Research at the Palucca University between 2019 - 2021, that included a performative score created with 8 Bachelor students, which over the 2 years were in their 1st and 2nd years of University. 

We are all a subculture

	If we imagine that in a city like Chicago, in an area of significant disorder, there could be 20 different gangs or subcultures that exist, and each has its territory, its racial identity or an idiosyncrasy that it connects with. If we zoom out of this city, we can see the movement of the different gangs or subcultures, where each individual goes, whom they talk with, where they eat and the crimes they commit. If one followed this for long enough, one might see interesting patterns of behaviour that give the perception of the city to that of a living organism, a view that sociologist Robert E. Park (1925) writes about. From Parks's view of city groups such as gangs or subcultures, I would like to differentiate the negative delinquency view of subcultures from that of a socially supportive response to city life. That manifest in inner compulsion in the few that people flocked to find solidarity against the civilising demands of urban life.&nbsp;&nbsp;

	Park saw the city as a manifestation of human nature that created pockets of different milieus for the socialisation of social groups with different moral views. In a time of industrialisation, Park refers to as ‘Vocational’ types in the city (such as ‘shop assistants’ and ‘stock exchange speculators’) people who achieved their social solidarity through the tasks they carry out (Park, 1925). Some people did not find social solidarity in their actions. There were different types, in the city, eccentric, peculiar to themselves. For Park, a city is a place that enables extremes. People who complied with the norms of the industrial working structures placed on them and others felt restricted. The city for Park is a mixture of proximities between people on the one hand, and segregation on the other: Variety and arrangement, social instabilities and social planning: a kind of disorganised organisation (Gelder, 1997, p. 20). Polarising factors make up a city, and it’s different milieu’s and social groups that move through processes of forming and dissolving. Cities are not homogeneous places but are highly variable, differentiated, stratified, active, ever-changing ecologies (Gelder, 1997, p, 20). Park proposes that a city licenses difference, socially, culturally and morally (Gelder, 1997, p, 20).

	So as well as gangs forming out of necessity to survive due to social disorganisation, groups or individual views formed out of the civilising influences of urban life taking place in initiatives such as Hull house, that combatted the problems of delinquency in the community with disciplinary consequences. The disciplinary influences that come with urban living Park suggest produced, even though it tries to suppress, yearnings for something less restrained. “The very controls and inhibitions the city puts into place ‘emancipate’ wilder urges among ‘exceptional people’. The City enables these people to form their own like-minded ‘moral regions’: places in which ‘a divergent moral code prevails’, but which also constitutes a natural part of the city’s complex ecology” (Gelder, 1997, p. 20). In Gelder’s summary of Park, he describes an environment within cities in which subcultures evolve, differentiating them from gangs of delinquents. It is the exceptional people that Park refers to that are without themselves knowing it eccentric. Their actions of communication, drawing people together and questioning the status quo forms the subcultures. From this view, one can imagine a wide range of different social units in the city, involving different types of people that do not act delinquently that can be considered subcultures; it is possible to imagine the potential benefits of subcultures.&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.2.-birmingham-school">1.2. Birmingham School</a>&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/reference">References</a>&nbsp;

Robert E. Park saw the city as a manifestation of human nature that created pockets of different milieus for the socialisation of social groups with different moral views.

1.1.2. The City - A Living Organism 

	As is always the case when a group of people stay together for a long time, the environment starts to influence those people: the language they use, the clothes they wear, the music they listen to, and in the case of club environments, the way they dance and dance together as was the case of The Loft, which a dance style called ‘lofting’ a very fluid, graceful "Freestyle" form of urban&nbsp;dance evolved. Between the end of&nbsp;The Warehouse and the beginning of the Music Box, a dance style known as ‘jackin’ arose. This dance style was a frenetic dance in which the person taking part looks as if they have just plugged themselves into an electric main socket or re-wired their DNA with PCP. Furthermore, it mainly was just the regulars at the Music Box in the earlier hours of the morning that started to ‘Jack’. Hardy would save the tracks that would send the dance floor into a wild ‘Jackin’ frenzy, for those times as DJ Scott “Smokin” Seal recalls:

They liked to find a spot on the wall. Most people went out to dance with one another. If you were going to jack it up, you found a spot on the wall to dance, or you found one of the big columns in one of the lofts. That’s where you’d go and, you know, you’d jack your body.

People would grab hold of a wall or a pole or each other as a way to support themselves so they could, in a free but vigorous way, shake themselves to the rhythm of the music. To consider why this movement style became what it was is possible if broken down to its basic dynamic, which would be to shake. I can hypothesise why the movement dynamic of shaking was a response to the socio-political time in correlation with the somatic therapy treatment created by Dr David Berceli, an international expert in the areas of trauma intervention and conflict resolution. He is the creator of Tension &amp; Trauma releasing Exercises (TRE). His technique releases the deep tension created in the body during traumatic experiences or through chronic stress. TRE's exercises focus on releasing the psoas muscle, which connects the lumbar vertebrae to the pelvis. This muscle holds physical, emotional, and mental stress that one carries in their body throughout their life. How TRE releases this tension and trauma is very similar to ‘jackin’ by shaking or vibrating in shaking and vibrating, the muscles release, calming down the nervous system (What is TRE®, 2020). This notion of shaking as a regenerative action is taken from Dr Peter A. Levine, who discovered that wild animals recover from trauma by trembling spasms of the body core and flailing limbs to complete the fight-flight they were in before they froze. Our human thinking brain usually refuses to do this trauma reset, aka “discharge.” As humans, we are too fearful of fierce shaking and scary floods of our natural aggression we might have to feel without acting it out. Acting it out is a no-no, of course, but we do not know how to feel strong emotions without acting out, so we do not want to feel. Suggesting why humans have trauma, and wild animals usually don’t: old fight-flight stress chemicals stay frozen in our bodies (Brous &amp; Leven, 2017). Therefore, I hypothesise that in the safe environment of Music Box,&nbsp;subculutrists danced in a shaking style called ‘jackin’ to reach a state of homeostasis. Going to Music Box like other clubs was life-changing. The environment facilitated freed people to engage in the form of collective self-therapy.

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.10.-'jackin'-makes-it-onto-vinyl">3.1.10. ’Jackin’ Makes it onto Vinyl</a>

As is always the case when a group of people stay together for a long time, the environment starts to influence those people: the language they use, the clothes they wear, the music they listen to, and in the case of club environments, the way they dance and dance together.

3.1.9. The Dance Floor

A central idea that emerges from much postmodern theory is that all ideas must be understood as originating from specific perspectives and thus that claims to unsituated knowledge are suspect because they deny that most fundamental characteristic of knowledge

To take sociologist Alexander Tristan Riley's central idea of postmodern theory is to ask how the knowledge that became an objective truth became knowledge? Or another way to ask the question, is to ask, what are the political, social and cultural influences situated in the contextualising of knowledge? Suppose knowledge originated from a perspective where one's primary purpose was to self-develop. Hypothetically, if one can imagine that every human has it in their nature to self-develop, then unquestionably, it is possible to imagine that every human has a bias. If this can be the case in considering hard science as offering central objective truths in the modern world, the postmodern theory looks at the ‘truth’ of science with scepticism as postmodernism considers the political and cultural time and place that scientific knowledge is situated. The postmodern understanding of knowledge always takes into account the bias of the individual(s) that construct this knowledge and, therefore, their individual reality. Postmodernism, therefore, questions the ground for which knowledge becomes knowledge. This notion of postmodern theory is articulated by French philosopher Jacques Derrida’s semiotic analysis of deconstruction. Derrida suggests that “Any structure, whether in social studies, science or literature, needs re-thinking from a new position to leave demonstrativeness to interpretation” (Spivak &amp; Derrida, 1998). To think down the lines of Derrida, who says conclusions about knowledge should be left to the reader that is interpreting the information, and one has to consider the reader interpreting the information, in the same way, one considers the actors of the construction of the reality of that knowledge that is being read. Moreover, Derrida’s methods of deconstruction aim to undermine the independent thinking of the reader. This implies that, for example, the reader cannot be an unbiased thinker, as the reader understands and interprets the work conditioned by the reader’s experiences. And for Derrida, the existence of any form of objective truth is impossible. As one’s knowledge base is always dependent on one’s education, culture and environment, one’s knowledge is always connected to one’s experience. Therefore, any objective truth of the world must be viewed as subjective as a whole, but individually true for that person in the time they are in with the events they have experienced. By considering this line of thinking, I would like to illustrate a social, philosophical reaction to a governing hegemonic objective truth to reach the crux of postmodernism. &nbsp;

Between 1900 to the outbreak of World War II in 1939, the essence of a cultural movement towards postmodern thinking can be found. During this time, there was a significant number of political and cultural debates that were especially apparent among the intellectuals but also the entire French population. The secularisation of French society was being debated by the uprising and coming to power of the Radical Party and its affiliation with university professors. Professors were driven by self-development to professionalise and secularise their positions differentiating them from other institutions in France that were mostly involved in the educational and moral projects, namely the Catholic Church. In this time an event took place called The Dreyfus affair, which was the false charge of a Jewish officer (Peyre, 2020), which fuelled the conflicting moral divide between the secularising intellects, and the traditional spiritual-moral force of the French Army and the Roman Catholic Church (Riley, 2002, p. 246).

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/2.2.1.-durkheim-and-bergson">2.2.1. Durkheim and Bergson</a>&nbsp;

To take sociologist Alexander Tristan Riley's central idea of postmodern theory, is to ask the question; how did the knowledge that became an objective truth, become knowledge? 

2.2. Postmodernity 

The DIY ethic (do it yourself ethic) refers to the ethic of being self-reliant by completing tasks oneself instead of having others who are likely more experienced complete them. The term can indicate “doing” anything from home improvements and repairs to healthcare, from publications to electronics.

DIY questions the supposed uniqueness of the expert’s skills and promotes the ability of the ordinary person to learn to do more than they thought was possible. In the punk subculture, the DIY ethic is tied to punk ideology and&nbsp;anti-consumerism, rejecting the need to purchase items or use existing systems or processes. Emerging punk bands often perform basement shows in residential homes rather than traditional venues to avoid corporate sponsorship. The DIY punk ethic also applies to everyday living, such as learning bicycle repair rather than taking a bike to a mechanic’s shop, sewing/repairing/modifying clothing rather than buying new clothes, starting vegetable gardens, and reclaiming recyclable products by dumpster diving. Punk impresario David Ferguson’s CD Presents was a DIY concert production, recording studio and record label network (What is DIY?, 2009)

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/reference">Reference</a>&nbsp;

	Within the practical investigation of these three layers, the practice-led research intends to apply all the layers in different possible orders.&nbsp;

Starting always from the first layer and ending with the third layer, each previous layer informs the next layer, and when the third layer runs its course, then the first layer is again considered. This can be done cyclically or not, meaning the third layer can inform the first layer.

	In the non-linear time approach, I would like to come back to the philosopher Henri Bergson and consider his philosophy “pure duration”. What Bergson proposes in his philosophy is that time is possible to be counted as successive moments of duration, and due to this, it is relational with numbers and time. Therefore, it appears to one as a measurable magnitude, just like space. First, however, Bergson makes an important distinction which can be understood in the following example.&nbsp;

That a minute has just elapsed, and I mean by this that a pendulum, beating the seconds, has completed sixty oscillations. If I picture these sixty oscillations to myself all at once by a single mental perception, I exclude by hypothesis the idea of succession. I do not think of sixty strokes which succeed one another, but of sixty points on a fixed line, each one of which symbolises, so to speak, an oscillation of the pendulum. If, on the other hand, I wish to picture these sixty oscillations in succession, but without altering the way they are produced in space, I shall be compelled to think of each oscillation to the exclusion of the recollection of the preceding one, for space has preserved no trace of it; but by doing so I shall condemn myself to remain forever in the present; I shall give up the attempt to think a succession or a duration. Now if, finally, I retain the recollection of the preceding oscillation together with the image of the present oscillation, one of two things will happen. Either I shall set the two images side by side, and we then fall back on our first hypothesis, or I shall perceive one in the other, each permeating the other and organising themselves like the notes of a tune, so as to form what we shall call a continuous or qualitative multiplicity with no resemblance to number. I shall thus get the image of pure duration, but I shall have entirely got rid of the idea of a homogeneous medium or a measurable quantity&nbsp;

In considering Bergson’s example of “pure duration”, I can imagine the three layers of ‘The Frame’ as seconds or notes that make up a chord on the piano where they permeate and live amongst each other where there is no order. The reason why I would like to do this is due to the notion that all the subcultural theories, sociological and philosophical behaviours mentioned before are timeless human attributes. In my practical work, I would like to act as an embodied subculture. Therefore, break away from any conceptualised normative behaviour that is only structural or a hegemonic structured knowledge such as the radical notion of the order of counting or the placement of our organs in our body to consider other possibilities and relations between subjects and objects.&nbsp;

If we consider ‘The Frame’ then through a subcultural lens, we could consider linear time as a structural, logical and rational approach that aligns with modernist mindsets and possibly structural hegemonic order such as <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.2.-the-birth-of-tragedy-rational-and-irrational">AP</a>.&nbsp;That would mean that the non-linear time approach would be non-structural, illogical, irrational and align with a postmodernist mindset that implements a sensitivity in the quality of the individual and resonates more with subcultures and <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.2.-the-birth-of-tragedy-rational-and-irrational">DI</a>.					 As stated before, it seems most beneficial for society to balance these two opposing approaches. Therefore, the ‘The Frame’ facilitates the possibility to shift between linear time and non-linear time. There is space to follow one's logic, and there is the possibility to create one's irrationality.&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/reference">References</a>

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/write-up-of-practical-exam">Practical write up</a>&nbsp;

Within the practical investigation of the three layers of awareness, the practice-led research facilitates the possibility that all layers can be applied in possible different orders. 

4.3. Linear Time - Non-Linear Time 

	In 1985 a young suburban DJ Called Nathaniel Jones, aka DJ Pierre, who, like many others, was changed when he visited one of the other nightclubs that opened after The Warehouse in Chicago called Music Box, owned by DJ Ron Hardy. However, Pierre only went there after his college friend Earl “Spanky” Smith seriously encouraged him to go. After Pierre heard how Ron Hardy played and the crowd shouted&nbsp;“Ron Hardy, Ron Hardy, Pump that Ron Hardy”, Pierre, Spanky and a friend Herb Jackson attempted to make tracks for Ron Hardy (Bidder, 2001, p. 43). In DIY ethic style, they fiddled around with second-hand equipment they had at home, but the inspiration was lacking, and it was not until they went to a friend’s house named Jasper that they came across a Roland TB - 303. Spanky bought a second-hand Roland TB - 303, and it came without a manual preventing him to program it in any way. The Roland TB - 303 had been used already on other tracks. However, it was through sheer luck and frustration that Pierre’s twiddling of the knobs, without knowing what they did, that he mutated its tones into something completely different to any other track the Roland TB - 303 had featured on before. He created a sound that synaesthetically was like a devil's tail wildly shifting in space, creating a mountainous landscape of angular peaks and troughs meeting the constant pushing of the kick drum. They recorded the sound onto a tape and gave it to Hardy to play. Hardy played it five times at Music Box. The fifth time when he played it in the early hours of the morning, it sent the crowd wild; people were on each other shoulders or lying on the ground kicking their legs in the air. It was like a Dionysian frenzy. The track was unlabelled, and the more Hardy played the track, the more people wanted to know its name. As Ron did not make it, he could not tell people the name of the track. People, therefore, started to call the track “Ron Hardy’s Acid Track”. The LSD, also known as acid taken by many young club party-goers, seems the most likely explanation it was called “Ron Hardy’s Acid Track”. However, Spanky thinks otherwise: “the name ‘acid’&nbsp; came from the streets, because, if you listen to it, it sounds like acid rock music” (Bidder, 2001, p. 44). With such success with the track, Pierre needed a producer and met Jefferson. They teamed up to become ‘Phuture’. Pierre would twiddle the knobs in the same fashion, and they went on to make a track called “Acid Tracks” that defined a musical revolution on the other side of the Atlantic in the UK.&nbsp;

Looking at how the first ‘House’ track emerged and how it evolved to become ‘Acid House’. Through the subculture theories of the <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.2.-birmingham-school">Birmingham School</a> and the <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.1-chicago-school">Chicago School</a>, what can be seen are correlations in the social-political times that academics observed those theories with the social-political times leading up to and after the first ‘House’ track, which created the environment in which the first ‘Acid House’ track arose.&nbsp;

The political climate of the early Reagan era in America created such high levels of unemployment, affecting the working classes and poorer classes of people in Chicago. It caused an environment in which the ‘House music’ subculture arose. That is evident in the following observations: The younger generations separated themselves from the pre-modern ideologies of their parents by attending clubs like The Warehouse and later Music box or playing with new technologies to produce music that identified the subculture of oppressed, poor working-class Americans. The music, fashion and clubs symbolised the subculture and developed the environment in which it evolved. It was different from anything the parents of the ‘House music’ subculturists&nbsp;had experienced before and created a greater divide between the parents and children. Those eccentric few such as Larry Leven, Frankie Knuckles, Robert Wilson, Jefferson Marshall, and others inspired by the environment in which ‘House music’ subculture arose had a strong inner compulsion that shaped, invigorated, and unleashed the subculture. The affective quality of the music played or produced was measured in response to the dance floor. Producers started to inform the music they made from the feedback of the dance floor. Leading towards producers influencing and pushing each other creatively, they fought for the attention of the dancing crowd. The DIY ethic style the music initially created is further evidence that the subculture started within working and poorer classes, correlating it with the Birmingham theory. With a greater interest in ‘House music’, it became clear that it would be commodified and capitalised by those who produced the music, DJ's and owners of the clubs. ‘House music’ became a way of financially surviving, and it offered a modernist opportunity to escape the social strata and milieus for the DJs, the producers and club owners. It was an entrepreneurial way to escape governmental governance that created a recession in which 11% unemployment was reached, the highest since the Great Depression (Augustyn, n.d). ‘House music’ and 'Acid house’ offered the producers and DJs a way out, but what about the people dancing, what did it offer them, a way to forget their financial, racial or sexual oppression and segregation from the political, social and cultural hegemony of the time?&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.9.-the-dance-floor">3.1.9. The Dance Floor</a>

In 1985 a young suburban DJ Called Nathaniel Jones, aka DJ Pierre, who, like many others, was changed when he visited one of the other nightclubs that opened after The Warehouse in Chicago called Music Box, owned by DJ Ron Hardy. 

3.1.8. Acid House

	The Genovese's mafia family saw the potential profit in catering to shunned gay clientele and in 1966 bought the “straight” bar and restaurant in New York City called Stonewall Inn. This establishment was registered as a private “bottle bar,” which did not require a liquor license. Patrons could bring their own liquor. The Genovese family bribed New York’s Sixth Police Precinct to ignore the actual activities occurring within the club, allowing the crime family to cut costs by selling watered-down liquor illegally on site. Moreover, The Mafia reportedly blackmailed the club's wealthier patrons who wanted to keep their sexuality a secret.&nbsp;

	Stonewall Inn quickly became well known in the NYC district of&nbsp; Greenwich Village. It was relatively cheap, which enabled it to become the nightly home for many runaways and homeless gay youths, who could pay the entrance fee by panhandling or shoplifting. Stonewall Inn also was open to drag queens, and transgender people turned away from many other gay bars or clubs. Furthermore, it was one of the only gay bars in the city that still allowed dancing.&nbsp;

&nbsp;	Raids were frequent and very much a part of life for the LGBT community. However, mafia-run bars paid off corrupt police officers, who would typically tip off the bar owner before police planned raids so that illegal liquor and “gay behaviour” could be hidden in time. For that reason, it came as a surprise in the early morning on June 28, 1969, when police, armed with a warrant, entered Stonewall Inn. Usually, as police entered the gay bars, patrons would disperse quickly. However, on this occasion, a threshold was passed in which the fed-up patrons from the constant police harassment and social discrimination remained. Angry patrons and neighbourhood residents gathered outside the bar as events unfolded in which people were aggressively maltreated. At one point, an officer hit Stormé DeLarverie over the head as he forced her into a police van. This action incited the crowd, who began to throw pennies, bottles, cobblestones or anything that was at hand at the police. So began the Stonewall protests, which involved thousands of protesters and lasted about five days. Even though this moment in history did not start the gay rights movement, it was a galvanising force of LGBT political activism that lead to the founding of numerous gay rights organisations, including the Gay Liberation Front, Human Rights Campaign, GLAAD (Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation), and PFLAG (Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays). In 2016 President Barack Obama designated the area of the Stonewall Riots as a national monument in recognition of the location’s contribution to gay rights&nbsp;(Stonewall Riots, 2017).

	What made the riots at Stonewall Inn different from other LGBTQ+ protests was its acceptance of all types of gay and transgender people. Other gay bars catered exclusively to gay men only; Gay bar owners excluded lesbians and transgender people. Even though Stonewall Inn was run by a Mafia family, who offered protection whilst exploiting the LGBT community, a community evolved and galvanised inside Stonewall Inn. Even though “It was a bar for people who were too young, too poor, or just too much to get in anywhere else” (Carter, 2011), the patrons of the Stonewall Inn, in all their differences, found a sense of solidarity against the heteronormative hegemony. Consequently, the Stonewall Inn became a sanctuary in which a subculture arose that grew out of a volatile neoliberal environment of the time. The attempt to prevent the patrons of the Stonewall Inn from having a home evoked stronger solidarity and galvanisation between its patrons. They fought for their home, protested for acceptance and recognition of the group and individual identities, and the equal human rights of all LGBT people. To look at the events that led to the Stonewall Riots through the Chicago School theoretical lens. It is clear to say that political neoliberalism oppressed and enforced the illegal interaction of LGBT people. A community of people unwelcome in a heteronormative hegemonic culture searched for a place they could be themselves. This circumstance was optimised by the mafia, who offered illegal protection to people in a political time when protection was privatised and only legally affordable by the affluent classes. Through the modernist self-development of the mafia families to make money, they overlooked their heteronormative prejudices of the LGBT community, thus facilitating locations such as the Stonewall Inn for LGBT people.

	Moreover, mafia families are an example of pre-modern families composed of a bloodline of family members who share strong cultural rules composed of objective cultural truths. The fact that mafia families are pre-modern and develop themselves in a modernist way indicates how various social, philosophic behaviour can exist simultaneously. This point to the malleability of objective truth.&nbsp;

	From this turbulent, dangerous environment, the solidarity of the LGBT community was created, and expresses the essence of how ‘House music’ started, which asks the question; how did the Stonewall Riots evoke a social and cultural shift in which ‘House music’ could grow?

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.2.-hedonistic-clubs">3.1.2. Hedonistic Clubs</a>

The mafia family called The Genovese saw the potential profit in catering to shunned gay clientele and in 1966 bought the “straight” bar and restaurant in New York City called, Stonewall Inn.

3.1.1. Stonewall Inn 

	Postmodernity is a coin with two sides. One of those sides looks sceptically at objective truth and questions the validity of all structures that support those truths that are in place in society and culture. The sceptical questions have unearthed the modernist compulsions of hegemonic institutions. The questioning has revealed the subtle erosion of corruptive forces of power that have been enforced in politics and religion in non-equal humanitarian exploitation of labour and favouring to support patriarchal white privilege to govern over the many. On the other side of the coin, postmodernism is it is own worst enemy. In its sceptical fashion, postmodernism facilitates a malleable space due to the subjectivity of what the truth is, which&nbsp;Derrida describe as Every interpretation of a subject is in the hands of the observer (Spivak &amp; Derrida, 1998). This implies that truth is objective for everyone, and because of this, it is only within the conflict that one can win out over the other if they cannot coexist that one truth becomes valid and the other void.&nbsp;

	As early as Plato’s ideal city of the Republic, it is possible to see the paradox of subjective truth and the dangers to be found. Plato saw the danger in the wrong type of poetry, which in those days can be imagined as the equivalent of social media today. He saw the significant influence that poetry had on society, and for that reason, banned the wrong type of poetry. The banning of the wrong type of poetry evokes a bigger question: who deems what poetry is the right sort of poetry? This is the type of question for ethics and moral philosophy, which would consider the vast ideas on dealing with the fickle nature of truth. Many have tried to give their best logical reasoning or empathetic heartfelt pray. However, what remains still is a difference; surely one is also allowed to have an opinion?

	Nevertheless, what is evident is, if these multiple objective truths cannot coexist, then inevitably, that would not be postmodernism. It would be modernism. That would suggest that postmodern and modern ideologies shift between each other timelessly and that historically they can be seen to have originated at a time in history but are timeless human traits that create tensions between self-developing and a sense towards collective responsibility. I argue that subcultures are the means for humans to find a way to cope with the anxiety of the hegemonic modernist world that enforces and narrows truth onto its society to benefit those leading the imposed political, social and cultural hegemonic structure. What postmodernism does say is the truth is in the hands of the observer, which is founded on the sensitivity and awareness of the moment and the experience of one's own life. By&nbsp;considering the methods — sensitivity and awareness — as techniques in becoming postmodern, what is the outcome, socially and culturally? In the next chapter, I intend to address these questions by locating the influential conditions in the history of ‘House music', which evolved to be ‘Rave’ in the UK in the late 1980s.&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.-(a-part-of)-the-history-of-'house-music'">3. (A Part of) - The History of ‘House Music’</a>&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/reference">Reference</a>

Postmodernity is a coin with two sides that can give a sceptical view of objective truth or be the means to form new truths.

2.3. The Two Faces of Postmodernity 

The Chicago School theory of subcultures states that a person’s behaviours are a product of their environment. I believe it is&nbsp;in tune with this research and important to note that this theory is how academics came to understand criminal action, the gathering and existence of gang groups. Therefore, the reader must understand this theory as just that, a theory created by academics, which cannot be underestimated as it improved many people's lives. However, what can be deduced from this theory. Is&nbsp;if subcultural behaviour is a product of an environment, then this is true for non-criminal activities and, as well, it would be, therefore, true for all individuals, even for those who do not identify with a subculture, as each human is part of an environment. One has no choice of who their parents will be, and one has no choice where one is born and the environment in which one is born and brought up.&nbsp;

	Considering that all humans are born from the female body and the ontogenetic factor that shape who we or will become is related to the environmental condition in which we are born and grow up, it sheds light on the importance of the environment. Even before a child is born, it lives in the warm environment of its mother’s womb in synchrony with her heartbeat. While the baby grows in the mother's womb, the mother moves, and as she carries on in the world, the baby rolls and turns with the mother’s movement. The baby is always changing. As the baby grows, every cell is nourished from the mother’s diet and wellness. When the baby is born, it must breathe oxygen for the first time, and the body action to obtain this new nourishment of air becomes a pattern of breathing. That begins from the first inhale and carries on developing, playing a part in shaping the body of the growing baby relative to its environment. Through breathing, the baby finds its synchronous way of being with itself, an undifferentiated unity. The movement carries on from the womb into the world, and as the baby explores its movement self, it sometimes thrusts out from its core and pulls back into its core. This action of pushing away from its navel area and pulling everything back into its navel area like a starfish becomes internalised patterned phrases of freeing and binding its flow and growing and shrinking its shape. In these flexion and extension activities, internal connective relationships are created within the baby's body and enable the baby to explore the space outside of itself. Therefore, these flexion and extension movements gain symbolic meaning to the baby in the emotive way the mother or the others relates to the baby’s actions. As well as this playful interactive communication between the baby and mother, the baby is preparing to move in the world. Peggy Hackney, movement analyst and dance artist, describes this as:&nbsp;

If I am extended, and you scratch my foot, I withdraw it. If I am flexed into my core, and you do the same thing, I thrust out. If I am lying with one leg out and one leg in and you scratch one foot, I will reverse the leg relationship.

The stimulation of the body from an external source — the mother through tickling — is preparing the baby for walking when the legs are separately stretched out and in.&nbsp;By separating the leg movements in a climbing fashion, the baby moves away from a whole to a differentiated perspective of the limbs, which brings new physical possibilities to how the baby can interact in the world. The limbs relationships to the core are developed, and as the baby radiates its limbs away from the core and brings its limbs back, relationships of pushing and pulling are developed. As a result, the baby is moved or moves into space. The postural reflexes coordinate the flexor and extensor tone, which facilitates the baby's progression towards movement through space.&nbsp;

As play continues in the new world, the baby is getting stronger. It begins to yield into the earth by pushing down through its forearms. The basic righting reactions orient the baby in its relationship with gravity. Eventually, with its stomach facing the ground, it starts to lift its head from the ground, and the vertical world takes on a whole new meaning. The vertical world starts to be explored, and the baby starts to look around in this new world, the motion of the head-turning consequently turns the whole body over, and all body parts move with the spinal axis. The finding of the spinal axis in the body is then explored through wriggling tail-wards and head-wards. In the next step, once the spine has stabilised and the enormous head becomes a little bit more under control, the baby starts to sit up through the investigation using the internal relational body patterns it has formed. From changing from sitting to lying on its stomach, the baby starts to realise its upper limbs are useful for other things. When desired objects come close to the baby on its stomach, it yields into the earth, but this action responds in the opposite outcome; it pushes the baby away from the object. The sheer excitement of being able to travel even in the wrong direction carries the investigation on. Eventually, it finds its legs underneath itself and pushes from the balls of its feet, and it moves forward with great excitement. Through this new, fascinating discovery of pushing itself forward, the body deepens its differentiation from a whole to two halves. Through moving from side to side on its belly, the baby coordinates its body into two halves bisecting the length of the spine, creating further connective relational patterning within its development. The young infant is becoming more curious in the world. It has more possibilities to move, explore and find out what is out there. As it reaches an object in space and pulls towards it, the opposite leg engages, creating a cross-lateral movement. Cross lateral movement is now available to the baby to engage with its environment more intentionally. Through the next stages, the baby's development takes on expressive and emotional connections within the patterning of the baby's internal relational connections to its family and environment. As the baby starts to find out its hands and knees are a means to move, it is not long before it crawls and investigates what its brother or sister is playing with or what its mum’s hot cup of tea. This playful interaction with the family generates a myriad of different emotional responses woven complexities of tonal and physical expressions towards the infant in accordance to its actions: for its safety, for joy, from frustration and from anger that is not always directly related to the baby's actions. All of these different responses are forming the environment in which the baby is developing its body relationships. Connective relationships that correlate with and become related to how to further connections are made in the body. That become patterns that stay with the baby throughout its life, which influence how the baby develops. As the baby becomes more solidly vertical through sitting, which frequently happens in the transition from crawling, the right and left sides are developed. The right and left dimensions and the full use of three-dimensional space start to be possible. As the baby travels between sitting, crawling and pushing back to sitting, what is taking place is a transverse spiral that shifts through three-dimensional space-changing between the sagittal, vertical and horizontal. With this new possibility of mobility and stability through sitting and crawling, the baby develops its way of self-expression that has developed through “physical developmental functioning” (Hackney. 2002, p. 13).&nbsp; The baby can move to a space it wants and express itself in that space; this choice that the baby now correlates to the environment. Through this process, the baby becomes both a functional and expressive individual interlaced by the different factors of its environment (Hackney, 2004, 11-13). I have just described the ontological movement patterns that every human being progresses through to develop the neurological connectivity that enables one to move freely and independently through one’s world. This ontogenetic development of a baby becomes the basis on which it will grow as it moves through new complex body actions. The patterning in which the first relationships within the bodies are formed become the patterns from which the baby will develop. Those first patterns will influence and model the physical, emotional and spatial actions that bring it to the point of new development.&nbsp;

	It is then understandable how an environment can cause such a difference in a child's development. Understanding or becoming more aware of our physical patterns is a way to come to terms with or accept the way one behaves in the present. It can be a way to move past physical and emotional difficulties that one may not fully understand rationally. Through the internal awareness of the patterns that are developed in us from conception to the present with the external awareness to all that is part of the environment that one is in presently, the Chicago school theory can be a practical tool in dance.

The aim here is not to ask why one has this body pattern but rather to be aware of the patterns. The reason for this is, in considering Derrida’s deconstruction theory, then one cannot understand why patterns are the way they are. Any analytical information one receives from another person whose observation is influenced by their own experience prevents a universal understanding of why the person's body pattern is the way it is. The pattern is the way it will only ever be a signified reality of the pattern (the signifier).&nbsp;In the opening sentence of Creative Evolutions, Bergson states;&nbsp;

The existence of which we are most assured and which we know best is unquestionably our own, for every other object we have notions which may be considered external and superficial, whereas, of ourselves, our perception is internal and profound.

	(Bergson &amp; Cunningham, 1914, p. 525)

For one to then be aware of the pattern is to not add to the information of the pattern, but to engage or produce knowledge of what the pattern is as an <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/integrated-embodiment">incorporated embodiment</a> gives&nbsp;it a non-conventional ‘meaning’ that modernity would by nature structurally narrow and rationalise. Therefore, as the one who is being self-aware of the pattern in question, is being self-aware with an awareness developed from those very same initial founding patterns that developed the pattern in question and the environments in which the pattern in question developed. Then is it not possible to say that in being self-aware, one understands oneself better in a way that is not conceptualised but understood in the tacit sense of <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/integrated-embodiment">integrated embodiment</a>. Is that not the most honest state that one can be in, to become phenomenologically involved with our internal and external environment? Integrating this notion into practice-led research enriches the epistemic findings of the environment, creates a feedback loop of embodiment between the external environment and the internal environment that influences a ‘style’ of&nbsp;movement, that is, the sum of one’s life.&nbsp;

As a techniques <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/environmental-awareness">Environmental Awareness</a>

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/4.2.2.-the-birmingham-school-(as-a-technique)">4.2.2. The Birmingham School (as a technique)</a>

Considering that all humans are born from the female body and the ontogenetic factor that shape who we or will become is related to the environmental condition in which we are born and grow up sheds light on the importance of the environment.

4.2.1. The Chicago School (Environmental Awareness) 

&nbsp;Suppose one considers the second layer of the frame in the consequential timeline and imagine that the Chicago School ontogenetic structures are already in place within the body and that the person using ‘The Frame’ is mature and functions in the world. It is then possible to take this person and place them into an experimental environment such as a dance studio and ask them to improvise. It will then become apparent over time that there is a correlation between how the person walks to the way the person dances. One’s idiosyncratic manners of moving result from the relational patterning that is developed in infancy and can be seen in how the person stands, walks, dances. In the way, they inform the person flow of movement. They also become the foundation in which the development of the dance movement is learnt. Of course, dance teachers have to be aware of Derrida deconstruction theory from an educational stance as the idiosyncrasies are perceived in the relationship between the signifier and the signified. However, if the observation is not made by the ‘other’ but by the person who is improvising. One is being observed through an awareness constructed through one’s development and is more accurate in understanding oneself if that person is self-aware. If the person becomes aware of themselves in a type of meta-awareness, then it is possible to appropriate the Birmingham theory into a practical utensil of choice, which is related to subcultures.&nbsp;

	Suppose group improvisation can be understood as a subculture with its own special collective identity, which arises from all the shared movement idiosyncrasies of the individuals improvising together. Then the choices that are made in the improvisation are what horizontally develops the identity of the group improvisation. Therefore, the individuals within the group improvisation are responsible for what will happen to the group improvisation: what shape, form or dynamic it will take on. Through their meta-awareness of themselves within the group improvisation, each individual will be influenced by the ‘others’ in the group. The movement generated for this reason is constantly influenced by the ‘others', and the individual is constantly making choices of what s/he wants to be influenced by. One chooses the movement that one identifies with, which further signifies the identity of the evolving group improvisation. Therefore, the Birmingham School theory is a phenomenological technique of embodiment based on a meta-awareness of the epistemic movement form, dynamic, flow or shape that the group improvisation has as an identity. It is the embodiment of this technique that stimulates movement through choice, which feeds the identity of the improvisation. Through practice-led research, the meta-awareness is trained and developed to work effectively as a technique of ‘The Frame’.

As a technique <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/meta-awarness">Meta-Awarness</a>

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/4.2.3.-post-subculture-studies-(as-a-technique)">4.2.3. Post Subculture Studies</a>

If a person becomes aware of themselves in a type of meta-awareness, then it is possible to appropriate the Birmingham theory into a practical utensil of choice, which is related to subcultures. 


4.2.2. The Birmingham School (Meta Awareness)

Paradise Garage was a two-storey parking garage on 84 King Street in downtown Manhattan. It officially opened its door in January 1978. It ran a strict entrance policy where each person was interviewed by the owner Micheal Brody. The reason for this was Brody wanted to keep the standard of the club; he did not want it to become like the club Studio 54, which was about the limelight, fame and being known worldwide. Paradise Garage was the total opposite; it was a private playground that provided a feeling of belonging and community, stronger than anything a ghettoised New York society could provide. The sense of liberation that The LGBT community fought for at the Stonewall riots. Lived in the bricks, played in each record, and felt in every movement danced by the club's patrons like the many years regular Luis Santiago witnessed. He commented, “I bet you in that whole crowd there had to be lawyers, doctors, postmen, charity workers, a cook or a waiter” […] “ all types of people were there, you know, and that’s what made the club” (Bidder, 2001. p.8). Acceptance was a priority in creating the right environment inside Paradise Garage. In the tight management of who got into the club, Brody could facilitate a space where people from all different social and cultural backgrounds, different professions, with different sexual preferences that Santiago points to, could be together and share in a feeling of liberation. Firstly, through the type of person Brody let into Paradise Garage, <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.3.-post-subculture-studies">post-subculture</a> studies clarify how a subculture arose in Paradise Garage. The subculturists of Paradise Garage were searching for similar visceral sensations and feelings of liberation in connection with each other on the dance floor. And as this was a nightclub whose patrons were selected and paid to enter, which implies it was for entertainment and pleasure, the patrons could come and go as they felt. Paradise Garage was a closed private space that housed people. Paradise Garage can be, therefore, secondly, looked at through the theoretical lenses of the <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.1-chicago-school">Chicago</a> and <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.2.-birmingham-school">Birmingham school</a>. The environment: who could enter, how the club looked, the shape of the club and the music played was all chosen to encourage a certain type of behaviour which created its shared language and fashion that became the environment that identity of Paradise Garage evolved. Therefore, selecting the people who were searching for similar experiences of liberation became the major factor of Paradise Garage and shaped the subculture. Brody did not do that single-handedly. The music played at Paradise Garage acted like an intimate glue that kept the community together sensationally and emotionally, and DJ Larry Levan played that.&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.4.-larry-levan">3.1.3. Larry Levan</a>

Paradise Garage was a two-storey parking garage on 84 King Street in downtown Manhattan. It officially opened its door in January 1978. It ran a strict entrance policy where each person was interviewed by the owner Micheal Brody

3.1.3. Paradise Garage

Larry Levan was born in Brooklyn in 1954. He had taken up playing records at the Continental Baths with his friend Frankie Knuckles. The many bathhouses that opened up in the wake of the Stonewall Riots offered the prospect of anonymous gay sex or even orgies. The Continental was more sophisticated than most: a complex that included a dance floor and Olympic sized swimming pool and bars, shops and even apartments. Levan and Knuckles were ‘Loft babies’ (Bidder, 2001, p. 8). They were influenced deeply by David Mancuso parties: the attention to sound quality (created by his custom-built sound system), the intimate and open atmosphere and Mancuso’s ability to spellbind his revellers with emotive musical journeys.&nbsp;Levan was not a great mixer but would mix if it added to the musical journey he wanted to take that night. Nevertheless, like Mancuso, it was his programming of the music that made his sets so engaging. He would program all his music to tell a story of how he felt that night or at that time. It almost goes without saying that over Paradises Garage’s ten-year existence, Levan’s music changed significantly (Bidder, 2001, p. 9). His sound is essentially underpinned by underground disco. He would play tracks that diverged from the lush music of Salsoul to the more Electronic sound of D – Train. However, his sets could incorporate anything from rock and reggae to strange electronica and upbeat R&amp;B from artists such as Chaka Khan and Gwen Guthrie. He did not play one sound; he played what he wanted to hear, shifting between different rhythms and tempos, bringing people down and lifting them up so high to a point where they were stretching their bodies this way and that way. He was like a snake charmer (Bidder, 2001, p. 10). This unique non-dogmatic style of music differed from other clubs considered purists as they only played one style of music. It was akin to a spiritual experience the patrons remembered, needed and brought them back weekly (Bidder, 2001, p. 16).&nbsp;Levan, like Mancuso, can be understood here through many philosophical and subcultural lenses at once. Levan was initially modern as he went against the music style of purist clubs. He self-developed in the way he wanted to or needed to and expressed and played the music he liked. In doing this, Levan separated the style of Paradise Garage from the mainstream. In modern self-developing social behaviour, Levan helped created a subculture. However, due to the social and cultural environment of racial and sexual oppression in which Brody and Levan came from, their point of departure to self-develop was wanting to feel a unified liberated response from the people on the dance floor. Through Levan’s dedication to finding the right type of music and with the sound quality of the speakers that influenced his public to create ‘the spirit’ of Paradise Garage that led Leven into many different collaborations.

	According to Levan’s assistant, David De Pino, Levan paid great attention to the sound and worked closely with sound engineer Richard Long and even had a bass speaker named after him called Leven Horns (Bidder, 2001, p. 10). He had complete control of all the speaker stacks from the DJ booth, and with the advancements of vinyl, he used the speakers like an instrument generating the perfect sonic environment that drove the crowd crazy.&nbsp;

	As the seventies rolled on and with Levan’s popularity rising amongst record labels, and with the arrival of new technology such as computerised electronic sounds with it came more influences to the music, Levan would play or remix for Paradise Garage. An influx of computerised electronic records, most notably from Germany, started to arrive, which changed the pace and texture of the music. Italian producer Giorgio Moroder, who provided huge hits for disco diva Donner Summer and Düsseldorf’s pioneering four-piece experimentalist group, Kraftwerk, set the trend for ‘electro’ but also radically influenced the New York Disco scene. In the dawn of synthesiser technology, small independent labels such as Prelude and Chernes explored the possibilities of this new technology and produced records as Loose Joints’ ‘Is It All Over My Face?’, mixed by Levan. This track provided a link between Disco and ‘House music’, which can be heard in the high hats 4/4 steady rhythm,&nbsp;typical of ‘House music’&nbsp; (Bidder, 2001, p. 12).&nbsp;

	In the early eighties, Paradise Garage became the place to hear new records. Independent producers would beg Levan to play their records. Once Levan played them, they would become big hits. In 1981 Taana Gardners’s ‘Heartbeat’ sold an estimated 100,000 copies due to Levan playing it repeatedly. Even though people walked off the dance floor at first because the song was so slow, people knew that if Levan played it, there must be something special about the song (Bidder, 2001, p. 13). What the increase in record sales reveals, like in many other cases in subcultures such as Punk fashion, “[the music] eventually becomes coopted and commodified”(Haenfler 2014). Even though commodifying the music was not the original ethos, something special emerged from the Paradise Garage subculture that the rest of the world wanted to have. Before Paradise Garage entered into a realm of world fame, it was closed due to Micheal Brody’s near-death due to an AIDS-related illness, a disease that had already claimed the lives of thousands of Americans (Bidder, 2001, p. 13). Based on the different influences that came together to make Paradise Garage a success, one being Brodie's inner compulsion for how he wanted his club to be, what type of person could come into his club, entwined in Levan’s choice on musical creativity, created a unique environment in which a subculture arose. People would change how they looked and talked to get in. In this sense, the environment at Paradise Garage incubated a spectacular fashion and music style. The club itself became a symbol of a different type of possible worlds: a counter-culture against the political, social and cultural hegemony. Still, mostly it was a symbol of the intimate glue of a community. Musically, disco was the underpinning sound of Paradise Garage. However, Larry Levan took that disco sound and merged it with many other types of music from around the world. Levan found new ways to musically structure tracks to create the best atmosphere on the dance floor and, in doing so, created the link between Disco and ‘House music’, with the track ‘Loose Joints', ‘Is It All Over My Face?’. Paradise Garage created a unique, life-changing environment for so many people that those who went there tried to take that experience and create it in other cities like Chicago in the US.&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.5.-frankie-knuckles">3.1.5. Frankie Knuckles</a>

Larry Levan was born in Brooklyn in 1954. He had taken up playing records at the Continental Baths with his friend Frankie Knuckles. The many bathhouses that opened up in the wake of the Stonewall Riots offered the prospect of anonymous gay sex or even orgies.

3.1.4. Larry Levan 

&nbsp;A progressive social reformer and activist, Jane Addams was on the frontline of the settlement house movement in the late nineteenth&nbsp;and early twentieth&nbsp;centuries. She later became internationally respected for the peace activism that ultimately won her a Nobel Peace Prize in 1931, the first American woman to receive this honour (Michals, 2017).

 Jane Addams was a progressive social reformer and activist on the frontline of the settlement house movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 

Jane Adams 

‘Jackin’ as a dance phenomenon grew, and by 1985 and the term ‘Jackin’ would make its way onto vinyl thanks to a local DJ called Chip E (Chip Eberhart). Eberhart was still at school when he started DJing. He thought he could make tracks as good as the ones he was selling, so he sold his equipment to pay for studio time. His first effort, ‘Jack Trax’, was recorded with Joe Smooth (Bidder, 2001, p. 46). The pair came up with some rhythms and a bassline but were searching for something to say over it, and Smooth ended up saying, “Time to Jack”, and he slow pitched his voice down a bit. ‘Jack Trax’ captured the raw energy of Hardy’s dance floor and sold half of its initial 500-copy pressing on the first day. It formed the bare-bones for simple constructed and sample-heavy ‘jackin’ tracks to come, by the likes of Fast Eddie and later, Steve “Silk” Hurley. Due to the huge success of ‘Jack Trax’, Chip E and Joe Smooth signed a relatively new label in Chicago called DJ International that provided the only real competition to Trax Records (Bidder, 2001, p. 47).&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.11.-dj-international">3.1.11. DJ International</a>

‘Jackin’ as a dance phenomenon grew and by 1985 and the term ‘Jackin’ would make its way onto vinyl thanks to a local DJ called Chip E (Chip Eberhart).

3.1.10. ’Jackin’ Makes it onto Vinyl

Before I look at the non-deviant subcultures, I would like to address one other side to subculture theory. This comes from the Centre for Contemporary Culture Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham. The Chicago School identified that crime and deviant actions are strongly related to the environments in which criminals and deviants lived. The research conducted at CCCS Birmingham post World War II provided new insights and developed new theoretical perspectives about identifying gangs of delinquents, which the CCCS would coin as ‘subcultures’. This research at the CCCS investigated the forming of subculture and how subcultures identified, in part, through their clothing, symbols and artefacts. In other words, identification through reification. The unification through fashion came about due to the economic and educational changes after World War II. This time saw an explosion of youth culture that occurred for a variety of different reasons. The expansion of education created a larger space between youth and adult responsibilities; the growth of film, television and the music industries increased youths’ exposure to pop culture and alternative ideas (Haenfler, 2014, p. 7-9). With more diverse input from a broader spectrum of cultures and fashions through media, the youth generation had a wider variety of choice to identify with. This opportunity was culturally new and affected society. To understand how these new opportunities affected society, it is essential to look at two different social strata. One was the rapid expansion in the middle classes that were, however short-lived, quickly giving way to deindustrialization and urban decline. Once the Conservative Party government headed by Margaret Thatcher came into power, free-market capitalism was unleashed and undermined the social safety net was. This act drove a divining rod into the society that disintegrated communities and class (Haenfler, 2014, p. 7). The&nbsp;tensions that neoliberalism created in working-class families in the UK can be understood similarly to that which happened in Chicago. The feeling of transformation as industries closed down and families reshuffled due to urbanisation must have, as the Chicago school theory states, created an environment, which deviant gangs grew that the Birmingham school classified as subcultures. Urbanisation affects mainly the working classes, and as a result, different subcultures are said to have arisen in the UK from working-class families. Ken Gelder’s (1997) writes in his summary of&nbsp;criminologists Albert K. Cohen (1955) study of delinquent gangs:

[As] the working-class community is displaced and the city developers move in, working-class youth subcultures live out a kind of ‘symbolic’ or ‘magical’ occupation of the place their parents had once called their own.

As well as pointing to the environmental outcome that urbanisation has on the working class, what also is referred to in Gelder’s words is a more significant divide of premodern cultural ideologies of parents to&nbsp;the modernist ones of their children. The children only can imagine what their parents had experienced growing up and played out a type of fantasy where they territorialize their new environment. The youth also share in a material identity through the new consumer economy that distinguishes them from their parents. Subcultures in the new consumer economy became influenced by choice, which the parents did not have in abundance. Moreover, Subcultures emerged due to the tensions created between families that did not survive the deindustrialization and the families that stayed in their middle-class status. British sociologist Richard Hoggart (1957) writes that culture is the conflict between the classes. Another way to look at the results of the disintegration of a community and the rise of a more significant class divide is to view the middle class as what defines the cultural and social hegemony of the time, and the working class as one that struggles to keep up with the demands of this cultural and social hegemony. The demands of material gain and purchasing power: owning a house and a car and buying the latest trending fashion created a greater divide between the classes, as it was a type of lifestyle not possible for working-class families. It was difficult for the younger working-class generations to afford to leave their families. It resulted in claustrophobic family tensions, which resulted in an increase in early marriages, which was a practical way to afford housing costs to leave their parents home (Cohen, 1972).&nbsp;

	The media emphasised the difference in living conditions and situations between the classes. The media reflected the different social situations of people, which had an influential contribution to culture. Youth generations in the working class become aware of the social divide between themselves and the middle class and the generational conflict the working-class youth had with their parent's culture. Sociologists Phil Cohen (1972) points to, as did Albert K. Cohen (1955), to the difference of culture between parents and their children and says,&nbsp;

It seems that the latent function of subcultures is this: to express and resolve, albeit ‘magically’, the contradictions which remain hidden or unresolved in the parent culture. The succession of subcultures which this parenting culture generated can thus all be considered so many variations on a central theme — the contradiction, at an ideological level, between traditional working-class puritanism and the new hedonism of consumption; at an economic level, between a future as part of the socially mobile elite or as part of the new lumpenproletariat. Mods, parka, skinheads, crombies all represent in their different ways, an attempt to retrieve some of the socially cohesive elements destroyed in their parent culture and to combine these elements selected from other class fractions, symbolising one or other of the options confronting it.&nbsp;

These subcultures that Cohen lists: Mods, parka, skinheads, crombies all had spectacular styles that held ideological meaning beyond mere fashion. The image of each subculture resulted from the destruction of premodern ideologies of parent culture mixed with the spectrum of choice that came with the new consumer economy. The media and the social environment inspired what subcultures looked like, as theorist and sociologist Dick Hebidige observed: “Punk’s borrowed from immigrants - Caribbean Reggie” (1979).&nbsp;

These spectacular fashions became the way subcultures were defined, and by becoming definable, parents and the media stigmatised the subcultures. As well as symbols of solidarity, the ideological meaning behind the spectacular images symbolised a form of resistance against the cultural and social hegemony and differentiated the subculturists from their parents’ premodern working-class ideologies, and in doing so, they found a feeling of liberation from the confinements of their class through their subculture.&nbsp;

It is evident that due to the economic growth and increase in consumer goods, new technology and an expansion in education gave the youth generations options and new perceptions of the world that differed from their parents and their grandparents.&nbsp;The cultural and social awareness of this change within the working class separated them from the other classes as they did not have the financial backing or social support to achieve the dreams that choice brought. The working-class youths' dissatisfaction manifested in a <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/diy">‘do it yourself’ (DIY)</a> ethic type of creativity. As they could not afford the latest fashion or trend, they would redesign what they had and what they could afford, creating unique spectacular fashions and styles identifying the subcultures. The symbolic image of the spectacular fashion created a social identity that empowered the subculuturists’&nbsp;in a fractured class system. It is in the subcluturists’ unified identity of fashion and music that the subcultures are signified. The Birmingham school theory classified uniformed delinquent group as subculturists, that stigmatised the term subculture with delinquent behaviour that followed those subculturists. However, as I pointed to as <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.1.2.-the-city-a-living-organism">Park</a> did, the city was an incubator for all types of gatherings of people and not just deviant types. In the next chapter, I will examine how subculture theory changed and evolved to encompass non-deviant types. &nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.3.-post-subculture-studies">1.3. Post Subculture Studies</a>&nbsp;

The research conducted at CCCS Birmingham post World War II provided new insights. It developed new theoretical perspectives about identifying gangs of delinquents, which the CCCS would coin as ‘subcultures’. 

1.2. Birmingham School

This layer of ‘The Frame’ takes its inspiration from post-subculture studies.&nbsp;Post-subculture studies move away from the Chicago School and the Birmingham School theory. In such a way, that the gatherings of individuals are no longer a direct disruptive act of resistance against the cultural, political and social hegemony of the time. The sceptical stance in which arises from postmodernist thought correlates with post-subcultural studies and brings forward a sensitive and subjective view towards any form of ‘uniformity’ including those in subcultures. Henceforth, what post-subculture postulates is the movement towards more transient participation in group gatherings is desired where individual identity is accepted and not governed by the defining values of a traditional subculture or culture. It is this individual transient sensitive approach to conceptual hegemonic structures of modernity that I would like to base the third&nbsp;layer of ‘The Frame'. Therefore, the third layer is as much about choice as it is about questioning that choice. Choice in the third layer is not confined to a closed environment as it was in the second layer, it opens up the possibility of the individual’s fantasy and is approached through play. Entwined in the choice is the sensitivity of questioning how one feels in the situation they are in at any moment, where having a good time is the main objective. However, not at the expense of the ‘other’ and that the results of the questioning are that which enkindle more choice. The third layer of ‘The Frame’ looks to the inner sensations as a guide or stimulus of movement.

As a technique <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/0-degree">0-degree&nbsp;</a>

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/4.3.-linear-time-non-linear-time">4.3. Linear Time - Non-Linear Time</a>&nbsp;

The sceptical stance arising from postmodernist thought correlates with post-subcultural studies and brings forward a sensitive and subjective view towards any form of ‘uniformity’, including those in subcultures.

4.2.3. Post Subculture Studies (0-degree)

Embodiment and Techniques&nbsp;&nbsp;

I will be sourcing the interpretation of the term: embodiment from performance theorist Ben Spatz (2015). In Spatz’s widely sourced book “What a body Can Do”, he defines embodiment in a way that correlates to the manner of practice-led research to which&nbsp; ‘The Frame’ (this webpage) is geared. Spatz states that the ‘mind is an emergent property of the body, just as 'body' is the material basis for the mind’ (Spatz, 2015, p.11). This inter-being of mind and body is the first essential definition of embodiment which is important to point to as it prevents the confusion of embodiment through a Cartesian mind/body separation. Through further consideration of the cartesian mind-body split, I would like to consider Spatz’s notion of embodiment and adding to it the perception that it is a realm of playability that comes through practice, which determines the depth in which the mind and body are inter-beings or not. However, this standpoint presupposes that there is no actual mind/body split and that knowledge is embodied. ‘The Frame’ can be perceived as a collection of phenomenological techniques that can be applied as methods of awareness to engage with or produce epistemic knowledge (Spatz, 2015 p. 23). The question arises about how one engages with or produces knowledge. To tackle this question, firstly, I will create some ground on which to work. It is within phenomenology that I would like to define how techniques in ‘The Frame’ are to be considered. Phenomenologist Gabriella Farina says that phenomenology; “[…] is not a doctrine, nor a philosophical school, but rather a style of thought, a method, an open and ever-renewed experience having different results” (2014, p. 50). It is the unexpected that is to be found in practice, as it is the practising that informs what it is one is doing, like subcultures, it those who join the subculture that make the subculture become what it is; the outcome or goal of its practice and social function is not presupposed. Phenomenology is a “style of thought” (Farine 2014, p. 50). In suggesting that there is a ‘style of thought,’ one can deduce that there must be other ‘styles of thought’. To then, bring the notion of ‘style’ into practical genres such as dance (‘Jackin’), music (Djing) or the making of art (painting), it is possible to consider the many different 'styles' of dance, music or the making of art in each genre. The way these different ‘styles’ manifest, I argue, is through the ‘techniques’ applied in the action of dancing, in the playing of an instrument or the action of painting. The different techniques of ‘The Frame’ are based on the different subcultures theories and sociological and philosophical behaviours of embodied knowledge. Through the different combinations of the subcultural theories and sociological and philosophical behaviours — by using the different techniques — different styles and qualities of movement will be generated. I believe it is important to clarify that, like with all practices, it is in the doing that the techniques become known to the practitioner and that through practice-led research can the embodied knowledge of this research be understood epistemically.

Using the different phenomenological styles of perception as different techniques of awareness to generate movement and composition.

4.1 Embodiment and Technique  

Like many music-obsessed kids, Saunders began playing around with basic tape edits in his bedroom as a child. His stepbrother, Wayne Williams, was DJing at House parties around town, and Saunders soon caught the bug, making his debut in the summer of 1978. By 1982 Saunders was one of the residents at The Playground club, a 2000 or so capacity club, that he and his fellow resident Farley ‘Jackmaster’ Funk mixed up music from the B - 52’s, new wave, post-punk act like Billy Idol and Euro-electronic outfits such as Depeche Mode (Bidder, 2001, p. 26). The “straight” crowd at The Playground, which was a bit more middle to upper class, did not like the music initially taken from The Warehouse. “‘You’d see spikes and people with polo shirts and penny loafers’ remembers Saunders ‘It was just a variety’” (Bidder, 2001, p. 26) of people. In DIY ethic style, Saunders brought his drum machine one night as he possibly needed the edge to surpass Farley. He played the constant 4/4 kick of the second-hand Roland TR - 808 on its own or underpinned old soulful disco tracks. By playing a cappella version of ‘Love is the Message’ by Loleatta Holloway with the sound of the drum machine’s kick drum, Saunders created a new hybrid sound. When Saunders took the kick drum out and dropped it back in, the crowd would scream, and this would happen all night long (Bidder, 2001, p. 27). This playing style lay the ground for the musical structure and sound of what was to come, which set in motion Saunders' move toward the studio. In 1983 a young musically ambitious Vince Lawrence asked Saunders to accompany a rudimentary pop song he had made, ‘I Like To Do It In Fast Cars’. Lawrence’s musician father owned a record label that helped when the pair decided to further their musical endeavours and make a track together using a local singer and Saunders Roland TR - 808. The local singer was Screaming Rachel, who met Lawrence and Saunders at The Warehouse one night. Screaming Rachel liked more to sing hardcore punk and hung out with bands like the Smashing Pumpkins and Ministry. The song they presented to her was called ‘Fantasy’. She was kind of hesitant. The style of music was not anything that was being played at The Warehouse as Knuckles was not yet playing ‘House music’ even though people called it ‘House music’. Therefore, after recording the track and listening to it, she thought it was no good and asked for them not to name her on the track (Bidder, 2001, p. 27). Even though this track would soon make a considerable impact via clubs and radio, it was still&nbsp;not the first ‘House’ track to emerge. It was, however, made using the same technology.&nbsp;

	The first ‘House’ track can be located to The Playground where Saunders one night played atop of his Rowland TR - 808 a particular bootlegged version of ‘On And On’ which was the flip-side of an actual mixed record that nobody played. Saunders’ bootleg stole its body directly from disco’s dead bones. Its bassline snatched from a dubby disco track called ‘Space Invaders’, the looped horns came from Lipps Inc ‘Funkytown’ and the track’s catchy vocal was taken directly from Donna Summer’s hit single, ‘Bad Girls’. Saunders and Lawrence were not professional musicians and did not know what they were making they took the parts of the tracks they liked and remixed them together. They wanted to make music that they could play at The Playground, as Lawrence says, “Basically, we were just trying to get laid” (Bidder, 2001, p. 28). ‘On And On’ played atop of Saunders Rowland TR - 808 was received with cheering enthusiasm at The Playground. So much so that when Saunders had his records stolen he decided to remake it, which proved to be a godsend to the future of ‘House music’. Through a stroke of bad luck, the first ‘House’ track emerged in desperation for music to play late in 1984. Saunders went to the studio and recorded ‘On And On’ using his Roland TR - 808 and a Roland TB - 303 synth. . Pressed at Jes Say Records, at Chicago’s only remaining plant owned by a middle-aged businessman called Larry Sherman (Bidder, 2001, p. 28).&nbsp;It is evident in the DIY ethic way how ‘On And On’ was made, which supports its subcultural origins.

	‘House music’ was born on the dance floor. However, it would never have been pressed onto vinyl in Chicago if it had not been for the availability of outmoded, cheap and easy to navigate studio equipment. That allowed the non-musician to make music just as the distorted earthy sound of rock ’n’ roll was only possible because of the electric guitar and the accompanying amp effects. ‘House music’ was possible due to a range of synthesisers, drum machines and sequencers that became available from the 1980s (Bidder, 2001, p. 38). The kids of that generation learned how to beat out simple rhythms on a drum machine, which nobody knew how to use. They created new textural alien sounds that were not producible through a vibrating string or wind instrument; they were electronic and produced sounds electrically. The Roland TB - 303 sequencers became the instrument used to create angular sweeping bleeps and lead razor sounds that would later define the sound of ‘Acid house’, which was influenced by the sound of rock music (Bidder, 2001, p. 38).&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.7.-marshall-jefferson">3.1.7. Marshall Jefferson</a>

Like many music-obsessed kids, Saunders began playing around with basic tape edits in his bedroom as a child. His stepbrother, Wayne Williams, was DJing at House parties around town, and Saunders soon caught the bug, making his debut in the summer of 1978.

3.1.6. Jesse Saunders

Alongside Trax Records, DJ international provided the main outlet for most ‘House music’ produced in Chicago between 1985 and 1989, releasing singles by Frankie Knuckles, Larry Heard and Kenny “Jammin” Jason, amongst others. DJ international produced 'vocal house’ compared to Trax Records that primarily centred around ‘tracks’ that were only instrumental. DJ International released singles from Sterling Void, Joe smooth, and most famously, Steve ‘Silk’ Hurly. DJ international, even though short-lived, pioneered new sub-genres of ‘House music’ such as ‘Hip-House’. But most importantly, it would spawn the first ‘House Hits’ abroad in the UK.&nbsp;&nbsp;

	By 1986 the sound coming out of Chicago started to impact New York with records by Marshall Jefferson and Larry Heard. The Chicago sound started making a big impact at Paradise Garage, and it was not long until the sound would start to spread to other cities in the US, such as Washington DC. JM Silk’s ‘Music is the Key’&nbsp;would reach number nine in the US dance charts, giving 'House music’ an even larger national audience. However, an English label picked up on ‘Acid house’. It steered it into the British charts starting a revolution of electronic dance music, which ignited a social movement known today as neo-tribalism, but then simply as ‘Rave’ (Bidder, 2001, p. 49). However, before going into the neo-tribal post subcultural subject of ‘Rave’. It is essential to finish the historical events that took place in Chicago, as in doing so, it describes the dynamic nature of a subculture. From this, it is possible to reach a deeper understanding of the mentality of the ‘Rave’ generation.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

&nbsp;	The next part of the Chicago ‘House music’ story shows how subcultures can dissolve because of commodification. The internal fighting inside the Chicago scene is a sign of ‘House music’s’ economic and repetitional potential, which would also be what contributed to its eventual downfall as the events are not agreed upon how the downfall of Chicago ‘House music’ happens. I consider the information with a <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/2.2.-postmodernity">postmodern scepticism</a> and, in doing so, use scepticism as a methodological technique in how to determine so-called objective truths of power and ownership that originate through modern self-developing modes. Integrated into the technique harmoniously is Derrida's deconstruction theory, which I summarise to be: An intertextual understanding of a situation is to know the subject or object with what surrounds that moment, and the person’s and witness’s experiences of understanding the subject or object in hand, is that what shapes the epistemic knowledge, and, therefore, defines how one understands or experiences the present. Therefore, as all humans have different experiential pasts, all humans have different experiences of a shared present, making it impossible for historical views not to be based on bias. If one remains in a sceptical postmodern methodological approach, one can deal with these differences in the present in a sensitive way. I propose that this could lead to a shared understanding without it being a systematically defined modernity that leads to an internal opposition of the self and an external opposition with the other. Due to the economic gains of record sales and social reputation at hand in Chicago, between Farley ‘Jackmaster’ Funk and Steve ‘Silk’ Hurley, there was a conflict in opinion somewhere in the decisions running up to the adoption of the name ‘Jackmaster’. The two stories are;&nbsp; as cited by Bidder interview with Hurley, who recalls,&nbsp;

I would say right around ’84. My DJ name was Steve ‘Silk’ Hurley, and I said I was going to start calling myself ‘Jackmaster’ Silk. Farley was my roommate at the time, and this was maybe a Tuesday. By Friday, his name was changed to Farley ‘Jackmaster’ Funk.&nbsp;

I went to the radio station before he went. I said: ‘Farley ‘Funkin” Keith is dead, he no longer exists, there’s a new guy in town, his name’s Farley ‘Jackmaster’ Funk. Needless to say, Steve was on his way to the radio station with his tape, ready to make the new announcement that he is going to change his name to Steve ‘Jackmaster’ Hurly. And almost ran into a pole.

&nbsp;Bidder locates the dispute over the name 'Jackmaster' as a sign of many quarrels to come that would be the downfall of ‘House music’. One dispute between the Chicago ‘House Music’ subculturists involved the ownership of an ‘Acid House’ track that made it across the Atlantic.&nbsp;

	Steve ‘Silk’ Hurley’s signature track was made of spliced up instrumental parts from an old 1970s Isaac Hayes tune called ‘I Can’t Turn Around'. Hurley was inspired by Jamie Principle’s track ‘Your Love’ and called his new track ‘Love Can’t Turn You Around’. He played his version of ‘Love Can’t Turn You Around’ from 1983 onwards. Hurley, who shared a room with Farley, left his version of the track on his four-track tape player, which went missing. One week later, ‘Love Can’t Turn Around’ came out produced by Farley ‘Jackmaster’ Funk and Jesse Saunders, but they received little credit for the single. The single, however, was picked up by an ambitious young club DJ and A&amp;R (Artist and Repertoire) scout at London records. It broke the UK Top 40 credited to Farley ‘Jackmaster’ Funk and Jessie Saunders’, and it reached number ten in the charts in September 1986. However, several months later, in January 1987, Hurley did nine places better than his rivals, claiming the first 'House music’ number one with ‘Jack your Body’. It was a sign ‘House music’ had grown from an underground subcultural sound to a popular sound of a generation (Bidder, 2001, p. 52).&nbsp;

	What happened musically in Chicago gave young music enthusiasts that had no musical talent the belief that they could also make music and be the next ‘number one’. With the arrival of cheap studio equipment, teenagers across America, the UK, and Ibiza started to produce their DJ tracks on shoestring budgets. Many worked their way from clubs and pirate radio stations to top of the UK charts like the Chemical Brothers, Fatboy Slim would go on to prove (Bidder, 2001, p. 70). In the same way that many different musical genres influenced ‘House music’, the same is true for the bridge between Chicago House, Detroit Techno, UK tracks and Balearic beats. The fame of Chicago House brought interest in the Dj’s who played the music, such as Frankie Knuckles, clubs like Delirium in the UK booked those DJs to play. Visiting DJ’s brought the sound of their city environment into the clubs worldwide, adding further to the variety of the music produced.

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.12.-uk-summer-of-love">3.1.12. UK Summer of Love</a>

Alongside Trax Records, DJ international provided the main outlet for the majority of ‘House music’ produced in Chicago between 1985 and 1989, releasing singles by Frankie Knuckles, Larry Heard and Kenny “Jammin” Jason amongst others.

3.1.11. DJ International 

‘The Frame’&nbsp; is a practical tool for generating individual creativity in movement language and facilitating a non-hierarchical system where a social composition can evolve as practice-led research. ‘The Frame’ is based on the evolutionary factors that were and are present in subcultures. To stimulate movement language and different type of <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/g/awarnesses">awareness techniques</a> of epistemic knowledge. Firstly, ‘The Frame’ can be considered in linear time, which would mean starting with the <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.1-chicago-school">Chicago School theory</a>, which would be the essence of ‘The Frame’. Next would be the <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.2.-birmingham-school">Birmingham School (CCCS)</a> and finally, at the other end of the timeline would <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.3.-post-subculture-studies">post subculture studies</a> be. By thinking in linear time, ‘The Frame’ historically spans over one hundred years of human evolution, socially and culturally crossing between North American and Europe. It is important to remember that thinking of the three parts of ‘The Frame’ in a timeline connects them in evolution, meaning they are not separate and isolated occurrences.&nbsp; I will consider these factors in a non-linear timeline as separate paradigms that permeate and travel between each other forming new transitional merges that are not placed in linear time and different percentages of each or a few within the present moment.

A question that I have not considered yet in this paper is the dancer's age in which ‘The Frame’ is implemented and if there would be any difference in the result due to this. I am researching with students between the ages of sixteen and seventeen who are beginning their professional dance education. What this could mean is, on the one hand, they are not as stylistically fixed in a certain dance style or movement patterns than say, an older dancer that has danced classical ballet for fifteen years, whose body and dance approach would be tough to change. On the other hand, an older dancer would bring more experience and openness to new concepts than a younger dancer whose perspective on dance is much smaller due to their lack of experience. However, with this in mind, my intention for ‘The Frame’ is to construct it to be usable for all types of people with very different backgrounds and experiences with dance. As ‘The Frame’ is based on subcultural theories, it is, therefore, based on macro and micro social phenomena and, for that reason, must be accessible to all abilities rather than just professional ones. Moreover, for it to be&nbsp;hyper-social, it must be non-demographic specific.&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/embodiment-and-technique">4.1. Embodiment and Techniques</a>

 ‘The Frame’  is a practical tool for generating individual creativity in movement language and facilitating a non-hierarchical system where a social composition can evolve as practice-led research. ‘The Frame’ is based on the evolutionary factors that were and are present in subcultures.

4. The Frame

To think down the line of Nietzsche&nbsp;reveals closer how I would like to apply this research into a practical tool. Nietzsche’s: The Birth of&nbsp;Tragedy refers to two opposing concepts, Dionysian (Hereon DI) and Apollonian (Hereon AP). DI relates to the god of festivals (among other things), centred in extravagant sexual licentiousness where ‘individuals unleashed the most savage instincts’ (Nietzsche &amp; Smith, 2008). The imagination of DI is crucial to the understanding of how DI correlates to this paper, as it emerges as an expression in dance, as a feeling of ecstasy and&nbsp;an expression that evolves toward a collective and even more profane experience of nature that social scientist Graham St John explains: “When you dance you integrate your body with your mind, you integrate your individuality with the collective, and you integrate this human race with the planet” (2009, p. 221) St. John, like Mckim, aligns the notion that through ecstatic dance, such as Dionysian bacchanal a sense of loss of the individual self is experienced and an ‘oceanic experience’ (Malbon, 1999) that gives the metaphysical meaning (Mckim, 2007p. 3), which is contrary to AP. AP is derived from the concept of Apollo, the Greek god of light, who is said to rule over the realm of the self-conscious and, therefore, is strongly related to the idea of individuation and provides a world with sensible structures and rational material objects. It is possible&nbsp;to understand AP structures as hegemonic objective truths that govern our world and are the very structures that evoke subcultures, which is DI. In The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche discusses the conceptions of DI and AP at length, with a particular focus on the Art of Greek Tragedy. In Oedipus, a collection of performers (the chorus) narrate, move and pass comments in unison. Nietzsche deems the chorus fundamentally DI. Moreover, the characters of the chorus ‘remain eternally the same’ no matter what may come to pass within the timeline of the story. Nietzsche believed&nbsp;that such a ‘factitious natural state’ would have a “nullifying” effect on the audience that will create a similar feeling of having their individuality stripped away, which will, he believes, provide a metaphysical comfort for them, which he explains as&nbsp;“A living wall against the assaults of reality because it […] represents existence more truthfully […] and completely than the man of culture does, who ordinarily considers himself as the only reality” (Nietzsche &amp; Smith, 2008, p. 201-2). &nbsp;Through the compassionate reflection&nbsp;of the chorus, the public feels together, giving them a sense of collective meaning that is physically felt. Greek tragedy as a whole, Nietzsche refers, is a means to help bring forth matters such as death and one’s mortality through art forms, which makes the ordeal much more bearable. Through the AP structured and logical dialogue and poetry that holds the play together, a metaphysical comfort unfolds in these issues. This combination of AP and DI that Nietzsche admires and states help ‘sugar the pill’ (Nietzsche &amp; Smith, 2008, p. 201-2) of unpleasant thoughts by displaying them in an aesthetically pleasing way. Nietzsche’s concept of the choir as a metaphor for the people dancing in the space in which the club facilitates represents DI. Therefore, it is a place that helps people deal with the outside political, social and cultural hegemonic oppressive reality that is AP. However, AP is also responsible for the infrastructure and sanitation of the club, the factories that press the records and the structured organisation that runs the club. Then it is safe to say that only through the integration of&nbsp; AP and DI will change become a beneficial social process. By looking at these two opposing ideologies, one of rationality and logic AP and the other of spontaneity, irrationality and sensitivity DI, which are in a continuous struggle with each other. Is it possible to&nbsp;locate in an embodied way the different theories of subcultures that act on and permeate each other with the different sociological and philosophical behaviours to consider how to stimulate movement through the tensions or dynamics of these opposing ideologies?

	 In this chapter, I have looked at the history of the subculture ‘House music’ in a linear time frame. I have shown that the different theories of subcultures, which include different sociological and philosophical behaviours, have played a role in how the history of ‘House music’ unravelled. I have offered different degrees of evidence that subcultural theories, sociological and philosophical behaviour intertwine and occur outside of linear time. By extracting the subcultural theories, sociological and philosophical behaviours from the time they were first observed and subsequently theorised, is it possible to appropriate them further?&nbsp; In the next chapter, I will apply the findings of the previous chapters to create a foundation on which to base a methodology for movement on a micro and macro level and consider how to apply this methodology as techniques of embodied knowledge that I call ‘The Frame’.

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/4.-the-frame">4. The Frame</a>

Nietzsche’s: The Birth of Tragedy refers to two opposing concepts, Dionysian and Apollonian. Dionysian relates to the god of festivals (irrational), Apollonian, the Greek god of light (rational).

3.2. The Birth of Tragedy - Rational and Irrational 

Haenfler draws attention to a shift from the classic underground subcultures: skinhead, punk, and metal to shallow versions such as ‘grunge’ scenes that did not reflect the resistant subcultures of the past. As well as this, he points to a resurgence of dance cultures such as ‘Rave’. The connecting similarities in social class, gender and race cannot be said to have been what bonded ‘Rave’ together even though the origins of ‘Rave’ stem from the subculture of ‘House music', which arose in the solidarity of an oppressed demographic. With such a diverse gathering of people assembled at ‘Raves', it was not possible for there to be a definite “uniform” that would unite such people. The different types of ‘Raves’ that popped up across the UK between 1988-1989 spawned DIY ethic communities that organised the events. ‘Raves’ seemed diffuse when compared to subcultures of the past like mods or punks.&nbsp;Haenfler refers to these post-subcultures as scenes and neo-tribes and suggests that they appeared “ […]’ amid fragmented culture in which identity becomes unhitched from family, geography, and tradition”&nbsp; (2014, p. 10). Moreover, he points towards how the youth generation from all strata and milieus shopped and created their identities by mixing different fashions and styles. ‘Ravers' did not unite by a “rave “uniform” (Heanfler, 2014, p. 10), they united in a sensation of togetherness, a neo-tribal experience ‘Rave’ facilitated, an experience that Gareth Wynne describes as:

We no longer live in a society, which is bent on maintaining uniformity instead our lives are like the symbolic representation of dance music, relying on the ability to reconstruct patterns of change, which celebrate otherness and diversity. […] then it is no longer possible to speak of the individual or the self as a coherent unity, but instead, we must understand that we are made up from, and live our lives as a mass of contradictory fragments.&nbsp;

As well as pointing to the type of experience ‘Rave’ facilitates, Wynne goes further than Haenfler and suggests that not only is society fragmented, but the individuals inside the fragmented society are also fragmented. By considering the shift in the acute perception of the modernist, who believes in the truthful foundation of self-developing structures. A postmodernist ideology is located and possibly felt with a sceptical view of the foundation in which those structures are put in action. In experiencing this shift from an acute perception to an obtuse perception of postmodernism, sensitive awareness of an individual sense of truth is employed. In the 1990s,&nbsp;greater freedom to create and manifest what one believed drastically changed the meaning of subcultures. Cultural sociologist and author Andy Bennett describes subcultures as neo-tribes comprising a diffuse collection of diverse people that gather intermittently. The primary reason is to have a good time while sharing in their collective identity (1999). Haenfler suggests that “This notion, [neo-tribe], seems to perfectly capture rave and other dance cultures’ — people gather, but do not share much in the way of an underlying identity of ideology” (2014, p. 4). Moreover, Wynne suggests that due to the diffuse diverse nature of a fragmented generation in a fragmented society, dance culture environments became the healing solution to this troubling cultural sensation. He states: “It is, therefore, dance culture’s endeavour to bring all these fragments together, enmeshing them in a cultural space which the clubber can call his or her own” (2000, p. 31). Post subculture studies by the 1990s reveal that subculture is about the necessity for a neo-tribal collective experience that spans across a wide demographic base and facilitates the sharing of activity among eclectic groups of people that do not share an underlying identity. However, incoming together in neo-tribe events such as ‘Rave’ find a sense of unity in individual perception.

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.4-subculture-phenomena">1.4 Subculture Phenomena</a>

Ross Haenfler draws attention to a shift from the classic underground subcultures: skinhead, punk, and metal to shallow versions such as ‘grunge’ scenes that did not reflect the resistant subcultures of the past.

1.3. Post Subculture Studies

In the UK, between the end of the summer of 1987 and the beginning of the summer of 1988, ‘House music’s influence’ had grown and inspired weekly parties across the country. People would be dancing all night long, and when the lights would go up, they would not stop dancing, and owners had to ask them to leave (Bidder, 2001, p. 116). The influences of drugs played a huge role in changing a generation in the UK, as it did in the clubs in the US. The mixture of music and drugs brought a wide variety of people onto the dance floor.&nbsp;The clubs in the UK would close at 3 am, and when the club-goers would leave, they searched for other places to go. As there were no other establishments open at this hour of the morning, thousands of dancing people would gather on the streets to play music and be physical with one another. The police would not know what to do as nobody was fighting (Bidder, 2001, p. 117). It became an epidemic in the eyes of the newspapers. Who incorrectly related 'Acid House’ to the drug LCD, tarnishing the club goers as scandalous that indirectly spread the word creating a greater interest in the scene that leads to a subculture called ‘Rave.’&nbsp; This subculture grew in reaction to the neoliberal Thatcherite government (Bidder, 2001, p. 118). 'Raves’ offered something else; a time to be unified in an ‘oceanic experience’ (Malbon, 1999) on the dance floor. Author Ben Malbon equates the oceanic experience triggered on a dance floor as an “in-betweenness” (Malbon, 1999) or a state of liminality. “The name comes from Freud (1961) and Storr (1992), and it is a term that refers to “a feeling of an indissoluble bond, of being one with the external world as a whole” (Freud 1961:65, (Freud &amp; Storr, 1961, 1992 p. 492 as cited in Malbon, 1999). Moreover, an ‘oceanic experience’ (Malbon, 1999) through the lens of theologian Ross Mckim’s notion of a&nbsp;‘numinous experience’ suggests: “Gives ‘metaphysical’ or (since it is more than rational) ‘metalogical’ meaning” (Mckim, 2007, p. 3).&nbsp; Mckim sees a sense of metaphysical meaning to generate a positive attitude to the world, which I believe is the underlying reason why ‘Rave’ had such a huge impact socially and culturally in the UK.&nbsp;People’s experiences through dancing changed a generation’s understanding of society and culture. It empathetically changed how they looked at each other; it gave them the confidence to leave the area they were from. It shattered cultural borders that were in place by normative violent football enthusiasm. The ‘Rave’ phenomenon grew, and parties moved into the countryside and warehouses. In what would become known as the summer of love 88 and the second summer of love 89. Driven by ‘Acid House’ and ecstasy, tens of thousands of people gathered and shared in the ‘Rave’ experience. Next in the evolution of ‘House music’ in the subcultural form of ‘Rave’ is consequential to the ungoverned structural nature and the fluidity and transient interaction of the actors within subculture’s, which led to political hegemonic control and the closing down of ‘Raves'. As well as this being due to the lack of waste disposal and sanitation planning of tens of thousands of people on a plot of land, the unguided drug use within the scene resulted in several deaths between 88 and 89, which caused a ‘moral panic’ (Haenfler, 2014, p. 9). Heanfler summarises that the Birmingham theory states, “authorities and the media create moral panics” (2014, p. 9). The entertainments Act of 1990 and later the repetitive beats act of 1994 signalled an end to illegal ‘Raves’. The Birmingham theory states: "Such resistance is largely ineffectual, as the subcultural style itself is eventually co-opted and commodified” (Heanfler, 2014, p. 9). The criminalisation of ‘Raves’ did not see an end to the phenomenon. What would come to be known as ‘clubbing’ would take ‘Raves’ place in legal locations, commodified and exploited by capitalism. Today ‘clubbing’ brings in global revenues of $7.1 billion a year (Collin, 2019, p. 5). What then is the reason for a world expansion in clubbing? What are the social or individual needs that create such high demands for the expanding ‘House music’ subculture to commodify capitalism?

	By looking at how subcultures have been academically defined over a hundred years, starting in Chicago in 1900, then in Birmingham fifty years later, and finally addressed as post subcultural. Modernity moved families with its driving force of capital from their social and cultural heritages to the disorganised suburbs of cities amongst other social and cultural heritages. Modernity created political, social and cultural hegemonic values that isolated and oppressed people due to their social class, gender, race and religion. In the advocacy of capitalist individualism, what arose were pockets of people who did not conform to its ideology. People who wanted to be part of something they could identify with, perhaps replacing pre-modern ideologies of religion or family values that are empathetically missing within modernity. However, what we have seen in the evolution of ‘House music’ is, when a community is frameless and without any structure, it runs out of control and can end in tragedy. To prevent unnecessary tragedies from happening, guidelines need to be in place. Organisers must uphold rules and laws for spaces of freedom to exist where the experience of liberating possibilities incubates new ideas and novel ways to think. I argue that in the beauty of this communicative feedback, we can understand how to move forward.

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.2.-the-birth-of-tragedy-rational-and-irrational">3.2. The Birth of Tragedy - Rational and Irrational&nbsp;</a>

In the UK between the end of the summer of 1987 and the beginning of the summer of 1988 ‘House music’s influence’ had grown and inspired weekly parties across the country

3.1.12. UK Summer of Love 

Ross Heanfler notes that perhaps the central theme at the <a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.2.-birmingham-school">Birmingham School</a> of the CCCS subcultural study is Social Class. Working Class youths (mainly boys) would join together in virtue of their marginalisation from and resistance to the class structure. Subcultures, therefore, are primarily working-class phenomena, a reworking of the class struggle that had been occurring for generations. So much so, that in fact, the history of subcultures follows the evolution of the working class style and identities in the UK, Beginning with the Teddy Boys (started in London in the 1950s) and leading to the mods and the rockers (in London 1958-1969), skinheads (1969 onwards), football hooligans (1960s and early 1970s) punks (in the mid-1970s), and more recently “chavs”. Anticipating the decline of traditional working-class life, these subcultures engaged in an ideological battle. The capitalist society produces not only economic class exploitation and domination but also cultural domination. As the capital class dominates over the working class, the battle of ideology is within this division of power that at times leads to a force of arms (2014, p. 7-8)

Ross Heanfler notes that perhaps the central theme at the Birmingham School of the CCCS subcultural study is Social Class.

Subcultures and social class 

One of the key figures in ‘House Music', called the “Godfather Father of House” (Matos, 2018), is Frankie Knuckle. Bronx born Knuckles was a close friend of Levan. They grew up together and were of similar age. As teenagers, they would regularly go downtown to Manhattan’s gay clubs and parties. Knuckles started Djing at the Time Square disco called Better Days before playing with Levan in 1976 at the anything-goes bacchanalia at the Continental Baths. Of the two, Levan was getting more opportunities to play in New York and was making a big impression on the scene. In the same period, Leven's and Knuckle's social worker Robert Williams wanted to take the New York nightclub-style to Chicago. He started DJing himself there but quickly realised promoting DJing was too much work. When he asked Levan if he would come back with him to awaken the “windy city from its slumber”&nbsp;(Bidder. S, 2001, p. 15), Levan did not take the offer, which freed up the opportunity for Knuckles to make a move to Chicago to DJ in Williams’s club that opened on March 1977. It was a 600-or-so capacity nightclub whose patrons dubbed it&nbsp;The Warehouse. Like so many of the great clubs of New York, it also had a great sound system, designed by Richard Long, a tight membership policy and an independently minded DJ. Furthermore, like Paradise Garage, going there became akin to a spiritual experience for many of its regulars (Bidder, 2001, p. 16).&nbsp;The Warehouse offered a New York modelled environment. However, as disco’s popularity started to wane, the records started drying up. By the early eighties, the major labels that had rushed to open disco divisions had shut them all down (Bidder, 2001, p. 19). DJs had to find other records. Knuckles also started to mix the faster-paced Euro-disco of Giorgio Moroder and a clutch of other Italian labels with the new electronic disco of San Francisco producer Patrick Cowley and the music emanating directly from New York dance floors on Labels such as West End and Prelude. With the popularity of The Warehouse spreading like wildfire, it was not long until other DJs started to follow suit. However, there was still a central place at The Warehouse for the lush, orchestrated sound of the Philadelphia International and Salsoul disco with a positive, uplifting message (Bidder, 2001, p. 20). Like other DJs had already done in New York, Knuckles would re-edit older disco tracks so he could blend them into his sets, Knuckles would also add beats and rhythms to his set from a primitive beatbox, his influence was such that subculturists and DJs alike began to refer to the music he played as “House” after the venue where he played. ‘House music’ producer Joe Smooth commented:&nbsp;

The main reason that people called it House music was because a lot of the kids would hang out at ‘The Warehouse’, and you’d go to the ‘House’ you’d listen to ‘House Music’, you know, as a shortened version of the name.

This reveals the word 'House' was a symbol of a subculture that related the word to a location, style of music and experience; the word grew from the environment in which The Warehouse was created.&nbsp;

	It is due to the environment growing up that strongly influenced the two friends Larry Laven and Frankie Knuckles: the places they went to 'party', the people they met and were inspired by, the people that gave them a sense of belonging in a world where the socio-cultural hegemony did not accept gay black men that led them to become significant figures in the history of ‘House music’.&nbsp; It was people like Francis Grasso (the first person to blend records), DJ Nicky Siano entrancing dancers with his dramatic mixes and the environment at David Mancuso’s after-hours party at The Loft. These different influences drove them to create and play music independently, creating such free, liberating environments at Paradise Garage and The Warehouse. It was from these different colliding circumstances that the name ‘House music’ was born. However, it still was not ‘House music’ as we know it today, so what was the first ‘House’ track?&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.6.-jesse-saunders">3.1.6. Jesse Saunders</a>

One of the key figures in ‘House Music', called the “Godfather Father of House” (Matos, 2018), is Frankie Knuckle. Bronx born Knuckles was a close friend of Levan. They grew up together and were of similar age.

3.1.5. Frankie Knuckles

Subculture phenomena are evolving human ecologies. The definition of subcultures has changed over time due to their decentralised, self-organising nature. Initially, subcultures were identified as gangs of primarily delinquent and criminal male youths who found protection in a group in their social class, race or sexual orientation. In the middle of the Twentieth Century, identities become unhinged from family, race, class, and location. Symbols of the subculture became a ‘uniform’, for example, a shared view in a style of music, an interest in a particular spectacular DIY ethic based fashion or objects. Finally, subcultures became more diffuse and open to a diversity of people. They shared experience of certain dance events such as ‘Raves' or events in clubs. What then is evident is that being part of a subculture became more about the matter of choice rather than the infliction of a social position and the environment in which one lived. Therefore, subcultures emerged into a postmodern context within a fragmented perspective of the modern social, cultural and political hegemonic structures that stood for objective truths. For this reason, each subculture, scene or neo-tribe builds its ideology upon a common shared interest, which becomes the source of shared identity. Participation in a subculture becomes a choice rather than the only option.&nbsp; And due to this is fluid in the way it develops; people come and go and bring new inputs to the subculture's identity, changing what it signifies and the function it is for those involved. By revealing a shift in the function that a subculture was for those who were part of it, how can one understand why this shift took place? The following section addresses this question.

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/2.-the-sociological-and-philosophical-underpinnings-of-subcultures">2. The Sociological and Philosophical Underpinnings of Subcultures</a>

Subculture phenomena are evolving human ecologies.  The definition of subcultures has changed over time due to their decentralised, self-organising nature. 

1.4 Subculture phenomena 

In 1892, the first full-fledged independent university department of sociology was established by Albion W. Small in the rapidly growing industrial city of Chicago. Though the hegemony of Chicago School scholars did not use the term “subculture", their inquiry into social problems, crime and deviance, immigration, urban life and the research methodology find relevance in subculture theory today (Haenfler, 2014). To understand why there was a continuing increase in social problems in Chicago, it is essential to consider the social, cultural, economic and political landscape of Chicago when the Department of Sociology at the University of Chicago opened in 1892.&nbsp;

The Second Industrial Revolution, 1870 - 1914, saw the assimilation of new technologies within industrial cities such as Chicago affecting the cities and their citizens. For example, the increase in electrical power due to the first electrical light bulb factories increased the possible hours of work for employees. The consequence of the light bulb increased job opportunities workers shared the news of the jobs in the United States between family and friends. As this news spread worldwide, people immigrated to Chicago in floods to join their families, friends and/or find work. Chicago grew to be the second-largest city in American and the destination of a large number of (mostly European) immigrants (Gelder, 1997). Michael Nicholson, a researcher at the Centre for Migration Studies, illustrates in his book ‘Identity, Nationalism, and Irish traditional music in Chicago, 1867-1900’ an example of the aforementioned idea.&nbsp;

The cousin of McLaughlin’s wife had just arrived from Ireland, coming to the United States for the First time. Mclaughlin cheerfully provided his instrument to imitate a party that he hoped none would forget, playing music for a dance held in his visiting relative’s honour.

Nicholsen portrays the happiness of the reuniting family and how the identity of the family is celebrated traditionally with Irish music and dance in a foreign land. This reveals a displacement of the culture that came with immigration. Moreover, he writes about the struggles that came with the new urban life for immigrants:&nbsp;“Life in the urban United States was not the same as the existence in rural Ireland, where a devastating citywide inferno would have been unthinkable” (Nicholsen, 2009, p. 111).

Considering the social and cultural change that immigrants must have experienced in shifting from rural settings to urbanised cities like Chicago, struggling to find work, and lacking the support of neighbouring family members or friends, it is understandable that cultural groups clustered together and were often forced into conditions where they would have to steal to survive.&nbsp;Even for most of these immigrants who had work, it was not an easy time to live in Chicago. With long working hours in mines, factories, and sweatshops, the physical exhaustion combined with the pressure to have enough money at the end of the week to pay the bills and have enough food on the table for the whole family was incredibly high. The reality of life conflicted sharply with the painted ideal of prosperity that the American dream in Chicago promised. The conflict between the reality of life and the potential prosperous life of Chicago grew in frustration in the male working classes. It is not hard to understand if, considering the patriarchal system which encroached upon all aspects of life, the working-class male was under immense mental and physical strain. To make an economic beneficial contribution for their family in their new environment must have been nearly impossible. The dichotomy between immigrant working-class families and those families in more affluent social positions resulted in a social estrangement between the classes and within families. The consequences of social estrangement manifested in child neglect, domestic violence and family poverty. Chicago became notorious worldwide for its homicide rates, which more than tripled during the late nineteenth and early twentieth Centuries (Adler, 2003, p. 27). To add to the injustice of the time, even when police made arrests, the jurors typically exonerated or acquitted them. A mixture of gender, race and class-based notions of justice would override the rule of law (Adler, 2006, p. 5-24). Cultural difference between domestic homicide that often manifested through the strains of gender relations with urban and industrial change, expressed by historian and criminologist Jeffrey S. Adler in his article: “We’ve got a right to fight; We’re married” (2003, p. 27). Adler posits that at the centre of a family in Chicago where a murder took place, gender strains would result in domestic violence as males preserved their masculine authority.&nbsp; He elaborates by revealing similarities and differences between German, African and Italian men who committed murder. Adler found there to be similarities in the motives of German and African men who murdered family members due to a decline in status. Italian men murdered family members to restore gender-based ideals of respectability that entailed patriarchal control over women and their family reputation (Adler, 2003).&nbsp;

Of course, my aim here is not to give a door in which we can pass through to feel empathetic to murderers. It is, however, my aim to question and consider as far as possible the conditions in which evoked these deadly neglectful actions to understand why they did what they did. To understand their actions, one must consider the physical demands of the long hours of backbreaking work in dangerous environments. The social pressures that arose due to the increasing divide between the proletariat and bourgeoisie must also be considered. The social pressure incited emotional and social dissatisfaction in the poorer stratum isolating workers causing deep dissatisfaction, anger and frustration.&nbsp;Especially, as modernist capitalist ideology forgot to type in the small print, the dream of American prosperity is only for the few. To make their dreams a reality requires exploiting the many, or more specifically, the workers in the poorer stratum of society. For this reason, one can understand why the hardships that faced the low-income families produced a variety of social problems, including a variety of crimes and delinquency. From this observation, sociologists at the University of Chicago came to the realisation: “That crime and poverty were the results not of the individuals’ personal moral, or psychological failings per se, but rather products of the social environment” (Haenfler, 2014, p. 4). Through considering Chicago through two different perspectives. Firstly, through a religious lens, Chicago was filled with evil criminals that just wanted to cause harm to others. Secondly, the people in the city of Chicago lived in different milieus where crime and poverty resulted from the social environment. Is it possible to understand the effect urbanisation had on its inhabitants?&nbsp; “Only by understanding the greater context in which subcultures exist can we more closely grasp subculutrists motivations and experiences” (Henfler, 2014, p. 4). In considering Chicago's social disorganised urban environment, it is possible to see how most delinquent and criminal actions such as murder resulted from multiple environmental factors, which caused a significant physical and mental strain.&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.1.1.-hull-house">1.1.1. Hull House</a>

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/reference">references</a>

The development of the first school of sociology in Chicago at the time of the second industrial revolution.


1.1 Chicago School

Riley’s observation of the Dreyfus affair relates to postmodernism. It posits that two contemporaneous, conflicting positions arrived at the same conclusion that cultural change, a move towards the secularisation of the sacred, was confronting the French society. At this time, Emile Durkheim, a Jewish sociologist and Henri Bergson, a Jewish philosopher, both wrote about how the social consciousness in France had changed, leading to a redefinition of the sacred. Their enquires were, in part, catalysed by the propagation of objective laws and moral truths through the overarching enforcement of the Roman Catholic Church and the French Army within French society and the injustice of the Dreyfus affair. Understandably, The Dreyfus affair evoked deep thought and criticism toward the Catholic French Republic, by both Durkheim and Bergson, possibly in the context of their own Jewish identity or simply due to the unfair trial and unequal treatment directed toward Dreyfus by the Catholic hegemony of France. The opposing thought of Durkheim and Bergson can be used as a diving board into the sea of postmodernism and helps to clarify how ‘Raves’ and neo-tribes become spaces of postmodernists ranging from diverse social strata and cultural milieus.&nbsp;

Durkheim is understood to be Cartesian supporting systems of order hierarchy authority and bureaucratic institutions exemplifying the esprit de geometric: the state, the military and the University… [and] most compatible with the scientific mentality.&nbsp;

In Clark's portrayal of Durkheim, one can understand him as a modernist who follows a logic to self-develop that constructs his perception of reality which correlates with institutional hegemonic values. Bergson can be understood "As spontaneous and is defined by a preference for antiauthoritarian, anarchic, often irrational, or antirational modes of thought and action” (Clark, 1973, p. 247). Bergson looked to experience the moment both empirically and sensitively, where Durkheim defined the moment logically and rationally through what he already knew. Even though these two philosophers offer polarising positions, they were morally aligned against the French Army regarding their ruling of Dreyfus. How the two polarise can also be seen through the view of the French philosopher Michel Foucault, who points to this as two dominant always struggling avenues of French philosophy, the philosophy of experience, meaning, and the subject and the philosophy of knowledge, rationality, and the concept (Balmand &amp; Fabiani, 1988). It is clear that Durkheim was rational and followed logic, and of the two academics Bergson and Durkheim, It seems, it is least likely that Durkheim would shift towards postmodernist thought. However, in his writing, he gets to the crux of postmodern theory;

Although opposite to one another, [the pure and impure sacred] are at the same time closely akin. First, both have the same relation to profane beings. . . . To be sure, the two do not provoke identical feelings. Disgust and horror are one thing, and respect another. Nonetheless, for actions to be the same in both cases, the feelings expressed must not be different in kind. In fact, there actually is a certain horror in religious respect, especially when it is very intense; and the fear inspired by malignant powers is not without a certain reverential quality. Indeed, the shades of difference between these two attitudes are sometimes so elusive that it is not always easy to say in just which state of mind the faithful are[….]. So the pure and the impure are not two separate genera but two varieties of the same genus that includes all sacred things [. . . .] The impure is made from the pure, and vice versa.

	(Durkheim, 1995, as cited in Riley, 2002, p. 252))

Durkheim states that it is no longer possible to understand the reasoning and foundation that guides the states of mind of the faithful. That the pure (Catholic faith) and the impure (non-Catholic actions) are not two separate genres but the same and that the ‘pure’ have lost their foothold on what the ‘pure’ is and goes in a direction that at first glance could be seen as impure and against Catholic practice. If it is possible to see how even the Catholic faith can be questioned due to its bias, the same surely is true for other modernist social, cultural and political hegemonic objective truths. Therefore, through Durkheim’s observation, it is understandable why a sceptical view of modernist objective truths is the underpinning of postmodernist theory. If the foundation on which knowledge is founded can shift due to power loss, how can there be an objective truth? Power surely is not the essence of truth. This example of the Catholic Church and the French Army enforcing their bias objective truth onto society and becoming victims to sceptical thought opens up the social perspective to new ideas of objective truth. It is possible to say that then, through the impossibility of one objective truth, one runs into the territory of pluralism. In pluralism, what becomes evident is that there cannot be two possible objective truth views. If they are the same, they are the same thing twice, meaning they are the same. Therefore, two objective truths on a subject must mean a difference in opinion and a conflict discrepancy in which subcultures arise. 

In considering that, subjective views on objective truths existed in subcultures, such as punks and skinheads, who shared a nihilist anarchist perception&nbsp;contra to the political, cultural or social hegemony. Is it then not possible to understand that subcultures are or were the incubator for postmodernism? Subcultures were the first diversions that went against the hegemonic vectors of thought supported or created politically, culturally or socially. Subculturists were sceptical of the capitalist hegemony as it did not equally include them or did not care for them but just wanted to exploit them. It is, therefore, the feeling of distrust in a neoliberal hegemonic government that ignited ‘Rave' in the UK by 1988. The distrust and scepticism towards the UK government in the late 80s are similar to the shift in French society's view of the Catholic Church regarding the Dreyfus affair. The UK youth started to think or want something different from what was being asked of them&nbsp;by a Thatcherite government that had privatised the UK, effectively closing down the mining industry and making thousands of workers unemployed. The younger generations relieved the gloom of this time with the hedonistic freedom ‘Rave’ facilitated. The experience of ‘Rave’ opened ‘Ravers’ perception to a world different to The neoliberal conservative individuated self-developing one imposed on them. ‘Rave’ changed what a subculture’s function was. Subcultures evolved to become transient and individualistic in style and fashion while still ‘colectifiying’ people. Different from the subcultures of the past, ‘Rave’ and other contemporary subcultures included a diverse mix of people from all economic classes and locations that did not want to commit to the singular identities or uniformity of traditional subcultures or that one could not leave when wanted. People wanted to pick and choose and combine different fashion and music styles not to limit them or chain them to one identity. ‘Rave’ loosened the hegemonic binding of the modernist governmental structure that was the subject of sceptical thought. Through scepticism, postmodernists found a type of sensitivity to consider what to trust if society could not trust the modernist neo-liberal structures. People started to look to themselves to consider what to trust and found an inner sensitivity, one that is collectively experienced in neo-tribes such as ‘House music’ parties, ‘Raves’ and club culture today that could be considered as neo-premodern, a supportive community. Subcultures, therefore, evolve to facilitate a space where the plurality of truth is the subject of interest and support. Before I look into how ‘Rave' evolved to be what it is today, I review postmodernism from the perspective that will support its implementation as a technique of embodied knowledge in ‘The Frame’.&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/2.3.-the-two-faces-of-postmodernity">2.3. The Two Faces of Postmodernity</a>

Riley’s observation of the Dreyfus affair relates to postmodernism. It posits that two contemporaneous, conflicting positions arrived at the same conclusion that cultural change, a move towards the secularisation of the sacred, was confronting the French society.

2.2.1. Durkheim and Bergson 

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/jane-adams">	Jane Addams</a> founded Hull House in the 1890s, a community-building and resource centre that applied studies of the neighbourhood to guide social reforms. Observations gleaned especially in fieldwork and participant observation that included subculturists’ subjective understandings of what they do, led to social reforms in Chicago (Haenfler, 2014, p. 3).

By setting up a community space in Hull House, social workers could talk directly with individuals. Social workers could consider the reasoning why individuals acted in the way they did. Theorists such as William Foote Whyte at the Chicago School saw that crime and poverty were not a product of individuals’ personal, moral, and psychological failings per se. They were, instead, results of the social environment. Social problems such as deviance are a symptom of the chaotic social environment that rapid social change creates. In rapid social change, social disorganisation happens where people are uprooted and relocated and forced to live in new areas, which leads to social problems. When there are high unemployment, poverty and a rapid turnover of inhabitants, more disorganisation, and more social problems (Haenfler, 2014, p. 4), clarifying that rapid social change leads to social problems must consider these causes. The result of different individuals being mixed up through such conditions of urbanisation can only result in the forming of new relations or segregation once individuals and families have resettled in new neighbourhoods. It is instinctive for humans to create relations as a means to survive and protect themselves from the other; humans can sense they are stronger as a group. It is, therefore, understandable that young males gather together in gangs to find safety in a group, and they find the commonality within the group through sharing their experiences of social, financial or racial segregation. Due to the lack of supportive community in newly urbanised areas, their actions may be misguided. This may&nbsp;lead them to take actions that are considered deviant to the law of the land, and they are, therefore, labelled as delinquents. Through this reasoning, the Chicago School could work with communities to implement support and guidance for delinquent gang members even though the term ‘subculture’ was coined at the Birmingham School in the 1940s to denote ‘uniformed’ gangs of delinquents. Environmental and class factors draw parallels between gangs and subcultures that are both a by-product of the urbanisation of the time and were, for that reason, both deemed dangerous through the eyes of societal hegemony. The pages above have identified that forming gangs or subcultures is, to a great part, the result of environmental factors. Is it then not as equally valid that the environment can have a positive result on individuals and the forming of positive subcultures? That would define the difference between gangs of delinquents with subcultures of subculturists whose behaviour has the potential to be deemed beneficial to urban societies. If the city has the environmental potential to create gangs or subcultures, what then is a city?&nbsp; What can one perceive ‘the city’ to be?&nbsp;

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/1.1.2.-the-city-a-living-organism">1.1.2 The City - A Living Organism</a>&nbsp;

Jane Addams founded Hull House in the 1890s, a community-building and resource centre that applied studies of the neighbourhood to guide social reforms.

 1.1.1. Hull House 

Due to the horizontal interpersonal, organisational nature of how subculture phenomenon manifest, the only way to understand how ‘House music’ started is by looking at it from the theoretical perspective put forth by the Chicago school discussed in the previous sections of this paper.&nbsp; As described earlier, societal conditions are the most significant factors that lead to the emergence and development of subcultures. The main factors that contributed to the development of&nbsp; ‘House music’ and its improvised dance styles were the emotionally charged, oppressed, terrified and potentially dying of HIV and AIDS demographic, the mafia, new technology, friendships, musical enthusiasts and experimentation and intense dancing for long durations of time in drug-induced states. &nbsp;

	A major influential factor of ‘House music’ started in New York between 1960 - 69. In that time, the oppression and the differentiation of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transexual people (LGBT) with heteronormative society had become so saturated that the LGBT community made a social stance against the interference of the heteronormative hegemonic society. The fight for equal rights and acceptance of all LGBTQ+ still burns on strongly today, 50 years later, which is due to the events that happened early in the morning of June the 28th 1969, when armed with a warrant, police officers entered the Stonewall Inn. This day is widely considered the most important event leading to the gay liberation movement and the modern fight for LGBTQ+ rights (Stonewall Riots, 2017).&nbsp;

	The Stonewall Inn was a gay bar run by the Genovese Mafia family controlling most of the Greenwich Village gay bars in New York. The 1960s and the preceding decades were not welcoming times for LGBT people living in the USA. Solicitation of same-sex relations, for example, was illegal at this time in New York City. LGBT individuals gathered in gay bars and clubs. These were places of refuge where they could express themselves openly without worry. However, the New York State Liquor Authority fined and shut down any establishment that served alcohol to known or suspected LGBT individuals because the gathering of "homosexuals" was “disorderly” (Stonewall Riots, 2017). These laws were overturned thanks to activists’ efforts, and in 1966 LGBT patrons could be served alcohol. However, publicly engaging in “gay behaviour”, holding hands, kissing, or dancing with someone of the same sex was still illegal. Even though some laws changed, police harassment of gay people gathering at bars continued. Partially to avoid harassment, many gay bars operated without liquor licenses. Another reason for this is that the mafia owned those bars (Stonewall Riots, 2017).

<a href="https://theframe.pinkbeton.com/d/3.1.1.-stonewall-inn">3.1.1 Stonewall Inn</a>

Due to the horizontal interpersonal, organisational nature of how subculture phenomenon manifest, the only way to understand how ‘House music’ started is by looking at it from the theoretical perspective put forth by the Chicago school discussed in the previous sections of this paper. 

3. (A Part of) - The History of ‘House Music’ 

One central characteristic of modernity — and this is implied by the individualism that lies at its core — is that you have no identity-constituting obligations to people or things outside of you. But this is very different from the pre-modern perspective. Here, the character of your existence was determined or fixed by your place in the great chain of being.

Author and philosopher Mark Rowlands’ comparison of the individual in pre-modern and modern eras describes a change in the social perspective of the role of the self in society.&nbsp;Rowland points to France in the eighteenth century as the origin of the term ‘modern’, where many people started to call themselves ‘modern’ to indicate their worldview. Indeed, Rowlands posits: “Modernity isn’t a time. It is an idea. Or, rather, it is a whole cluster of them” (2010, p. 2). Modernity is an ideology made up of a collection of ideas about who and what we are and how we act in the world; thus, it can be considered a timeless ideology.&nbsp;

The main underpinning of modernity is individualism, which is a morel idea of the best life to live. To be the best requires self-development, self-realisation and self-fulfilment. As modernity can be deemed the best way to live, the individual has an overriding moral responsibility or obligation to realise their own life. Although, it is hard to imagine that people did not want to self-develop in times before modernity. That meant one would have put themselves before the other, which was not deemed socially acceptable, slowed the possibility of self-development down. The difference between the pre-modern and modern eras is that in modernity, one can prioritise one’s own self without any feelings of guilt or moral compromise. Rowlands proposes that: “Self-fulfilment is not what people actually do but rather what they should do”&nbsp;(2010, p. 6).

To look at modernity then concerning subcultures, what can be derived is that cities are built-up of modern people who want to self-fulfil. A city is a place that inspires individualism, and within these cities, people go about creating or doing whatever it is that brings them the feeling of self-fulfilment. The process of self-fulfilment is the creation of the modern world. However, subcultures are inclusive of people that are in some way resistant to the cultural, political or social hegemonic vector of thought, which would mean they are resistant to the direction that the majority of people are self-fulfilling. However, subculutrists may also be perceived as modern, and in this case, they also want to self-develop and self-fulfil and find ways to do so, which would lead them to join or form a subculture. The social theory put forth by the Chicago School theory states that criminal behaviours are a product of the environment. As such, then the youth of a subculture who committed crimes resulted from an environment that offered them no other possible way to self-develop and self-fulfil in a way that was beneficial to society. Even though their actions were a social problem, they were also modern people without the protection of a pre-modern culture to guide them, such as family or an existing community. Therefore, they only realised their modern ideological nature in an environment that did not offer them any other guidance. If the cultural, political and social hegemony cannot establish an environment that can encompass all types of people, then those excluded will inevitably be the first to question the tightness of the normative structural systems upheld by the cultural-political social hegemony. To question the structural systems and mechanisms that define what a well self-developed person is is a question that will be looked at through a postmodernist perception later. 						Modernity is responsible for the need for the advancement of the individual. For that reason, it is the main driving force in industrialisation and urbanisation, as the political freedom that comes with capitalism facilitates the freedom for individuals to self-develop in less socially equitable ways that generate more capital for themselves. The difference between then pre-modernity and modernity can also be related to location. Pre-modern ideologies grew in small rural communities in which its population was part of cultural heritage. Self-development happened with the cultural values of the community. To go against the normative behaviour of small rural communities was to disrespect oneself and one's family in the community's eyes. The social and cultural chains of pre-modern life become liberated in city life; individuals could go and ‘be themselves’ as cities were modern places, melting pots of different people from different cultures. Cites offered a new start to people who had been made unwelcome in the communities of their past. Cities also offered work in a modern, industrialised world, where the more one works, the more money one could earn. Therefore, materiality became a sign of the wealth divide in the city between those who had a lot and those who did not, which created a more social problem. Moreover, without the pre-modern support of an insular community, individuals living in cities became anonymous and estranged. As alluring as it sounds, the capitalist notion of modernity comes with its problems just as pre-modern life does. However, the major problem of modernity is it creates and manipulates objective truths for purposes of power and dominion. This fact resulted in postmodernism.

Author and philosopher Mark Rowlands’ comparison of the individual in pre-modern and modern eras describes a change in the social perspective of the role of the self in society.

Collection: We are all a subculture thesis

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